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Copyright 1999 Federal News Service, Inc.  
Federal News Service

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JULY 1, 1999, THURSDAY

SECTION: IN THE NEWS

LENGTH: 3148 words

HEADLINE: PREPARED STATEMENT OF
MR. BRUCE L. DOWNEY
CHAIRMAN
BARR LABORATORIES, INC.
BEFORE THE HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON COURTS AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY
SUBJECT - H.R. 1598, "THE PATENT FAIRNESS ACT OF 1999"

BODY:

Mr. Chairman, members of the Subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. My name is Bruce L. Downey, and I am Chairman of Barr Laboratories, Inc., which has facilities in New York, New Jersey and Virginia and manufactures and distributes a wide range of prescription medicines for the treatment of diseases ranging from cancer to heart disease to depression. Barr Laboratories is a member of the Genetic Pharmaceutical Industry Association and the National Pharmaceutical Alliance, two of the three largest genetic pharmaceutical industry associations. I am speaking at the behest of the Coalition for Affordable Pharmaceuticals, which includes these two organizations and the National Association of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers.
As you know, and as I have testified in the past, the members of the genetic pharmaceutical industry stand together in strong opposition to the approval of HR 1598. Our opposition is not based on our status as generic companies. No one has a bigger interest in pharmaceutical innovation than the generic industry. Our future is directly linked to a brand industry that is fairly rewarded for choosing innovation over stagnation, creativity over monopoly maintenance. Rather, our industry opposes this measure because it would:
- Impose a multi-billion dollar tax on allergy sufferers;
- Disrupt the public policy balance embodied in Hatch-Waxman that has created more than a decade of increased R&D spending in the brand industry and substantial consumer savings from new generic product introductions;
- Negate the economic balance between rewarding innovation and research and promoting competition;
- Invite imitation by other special interests for countless other products; and
- Require Congress to spend time extending monopoly protection to a specific group of products at a time when it should be concentrating on increasing access to pharmaceutical products at reasonable costs.Let's be honest. We are here today because of the multi-billion dollar, international success of the drug, Claritin. The driving force behind this legislative initiative is Schering-Plough and its efforts to extend the patents that protect Claritin- and Schering-Plough's corporate profits --- from competition.
This is not a new proposal. This is the second time that this issue has been raised before your committee and the fifth time that Schering-Plough has attempted to obtain a third extension of the patents protecting Claritin.
In May 1997, the company attempted to add a patent extension amendment to the Omnibus Patent Act of 1997, an effort that was blocked in the Senate Judiciary Committee. In the closing moments of the 1997 congressional session, there was a second attempt to extend the patent through the appropriation process, while a bill was in conference. That effort was also rejected. Last year, there was an attempt to add this proposal to the 1998 Omnibus Appropriations Bill. That initiative failed as well. I am confident that when you have considered all of the evidence you will reach the same conclusions that the Congress has reached on four previous occasions and reject HR 1598.A fundamental mason for the four previous rejections of an extension to the Claritin patents is that the government has already granted two such extensions. If you look at the record, the patents protecting Claritin have already been extended far beyond what Schering-Plough could have expected at the time it was developing this product. The original patents for Claritin were filed on June 19, 1980 and granted on August 4, 1981. The product was launched in 1993 and without any extensions the patents would have expired on August 4, 1998, after 17 years of protection. According to a Federal Register Notice of August 31, 1993, Schering-Plough sought a two-year patent extension pursuant to Hatch- Waxman and was successful in extending the patent until August 4, 2000. As part of the GATT implementation legislation, the patent was further extended by another 22 months to June 19, 2002. As a result of these extensions, in June 2002 Claritin will have enjoyed patent life of approximately 21 years - four years beyond the original patent term.
The two-year Hatch-Waxman extension had a value of $5 billion in sales. The two-year GATT extension is expected to generate approximately $7 billion in sales based on projections by ABN AMRO Associates of Boston. From the consumers point of view, this $12 billion is paramount to a tax collected by the federal government and paid directly to Schering-Plough.
There is no economic justification for assessing an additional multi- billion dollar tax on allergy sufferers to pay for extending the patents on Claritin for an additional three years. While analyst's projections for Claritin's growth end with the patent expiry, if one were to assume the same growth levels through 2005, HR 1598 would result in an additional windfall of approximately $20 billion. This windfall, or tax, would be paid by allergy sufferers and the rest of American consumers and taxpayers.
Rather than paying a little more than $15 dollars per month for a generic Claritin, patients will be forced to continue to pay for three more years the $87 per month Claritin costs now. For those patients covered by insurance these costs will be borne by the insurance firm subscribers and employers who pay for medical coverage. For those who must cover prescription costs themselves, the $87 per month will come directly out of their pockets. And all taxpayers will be forced to support the federal costs that these patent extensions will create. Clearly, each one of us here, whether one of the unlucky 45 million allergy sufferers or not, will be a partner in lining Schering- Plough's coffers with unwarranted profits.If this multi-billion dollar tax is not enough to derail this bad public policy initiative, let us consider the damage that would result to the compromise that created the generic industry, the Hatch-Waxman Act.
Mr. Chairman, as a CEO of a corporation, I can appreciate Schering-
Plough's corporate motives in working to preserve its Claritin profit stream from competition. But there are few instances in our nation's history where corporate monopoly interests have made sound public policy. In fact, competition in the pharmaceutical industry is good for patients, taxpayers, the government, and particularly, for innovators. Working with a date certain, finite period of protection promotes innovation. It certainly does in the generic pharmaceutical industry.
When a product patent expires, it is not unusual for multiple generic pharmaceutical companies to launch versions of the product. As a result, prices fall rapidly and dramatically, as competition increases. Today, generic products can capture from 75-80% of the market within the first year, at anywhere from 3070% of the brand price. One need only look at Zantac, an ulcer medication for a good example. Following introduction, generics rapidly climbed to 80% of the units sold in the market in less than three months. The cost savings are equally as dramatic for patients, falling from more than $80 a month to less that $12 per month.


Because of this stiff competition, most brand companies are forced to innovate. Last summer, the Congressional Budget Office considered the very issue of innovation when it examined the value and impact of generic competition.
The CBO study concluded that, "Between 1983 and 1995, investment in R&D as a percentage of pharmaceutical sales by brand name drug companies increased 14.7 percent to 19.4 percent. Over the same period, U.S. pharmaceutical sales by those companies rose from $17 billion to $57 billion. Overall, then, the changes that have occurred since 1984 (the Hatch-Waxman Act) appear to be favoring investment in drug development."
Since the Hatch-Waxman Act, brand sales have increased steadily, exceeding $80 billion in 1998. Generic companies and consumers also have benefited. Since 1984, the generic industry has grown steadily and today has total revenues of approximately $11 billion. In fact, 45% of all prescriptions filled today are for generics. Because of generic competition, consumers have saved literally billions of dollars by having access to generic pharmaceuticals that are priced as much as 70% - 80% below their brand counterparts.
Two of the arguments made in support of HR 1598 are that specific drugs deserve additional patent protection because of their status at the time of HatchWaxman, and second, that the Claritin product was unnecessarily delayed by the FDA. At the time the compromise for extending patents under Hatch-Waxman was forged, it was recognized by all parties that one of the key objectives of the Act was to promote innovation. The formula for rewarding innovation was straightforward.
Drug products in the early stages of development, and research projects initiated after the implementation of the Act were entitled to full patent restoration as a means of promoting innovation. Those products already on the market received no patent extension, because the parties recognized that there was no obligation to make restitution for the innovation that had previously lead to their development. For those products that were in the middle stages of development, including Claritin, it was agreed that some period of patent extension would be granted as a partial restoration of the investment made to bring these products to market. The amount of time granted was based on the point in development when the Act was implemented. HR 1598 repudiates this deal.
In addition, Schering-Plough argues that Claritin deserves additional patent protection because FDA approval was unusually delayed. The facts, however, do not support his argument. The IND for the product was filed with the FDA in January 1983, and the NDA was filed in October 1986. An FDA advisory committee recommended approval for Claritin a year after the NDA was filed. Normally prompt approval would have followed. Schering-Plough, however amended the application to go from a capsule to a tablet form, providing failing bioequivolence data on two occasions. Had Schering-Plough proceeded with approval to market the capsules as originally intended, and as it did in 46 other countries, the product could have been launched years earlier and we would not be here today.
Despite the decision to change the product from capsules to tablets, the approval time for Claritin was in line with other pharmaceutical approvals. According to the testimony of Joseph A. Dimasi, Ph.D., Director of Economic Analysis, Tufts University, before the House Commerce Committee's Subcommittee on Health and the Environment on April 23, 1997, "The time it takes to go from initial clinical testing in the United Sates to marketing approval has averaged nine years for approvals in recent years." The approval time for Claritin was approximately 10 years.
If HR 1598 is approved, Schering-Plough will have realized total sales of approximately $30 billion during the life of the Claritin patents, based upon sales since launch and recent financial analyst projections. It is impossible to argue that Schering-Plough is entitled to this additional windfall.
There is compelling evidence today that the underlying premise of the Hatch-Waxman Act works - the pharmaceutical industry and consumers will benefit if there is a proper balance between rewarding innovation and guaranteeing competition. A study recently commissioned by Warner Lambert and prepared by the Boston Consulting Group explored issues related to access to brand pharmaceuticals as related to market interventions outside the U.S. marketplace. The study considered market interventions, including government price controls,
and concluded that, "the net effect of reducing the degree of market intervention would be to encourage competition later in the product life cycle, and reward and encourage innovation in the early years... It is ultimately the patient who suffers from a poorly designed and ineffective intervention regime." What ScheringPlough has proposed in HR 1598 is in direct contraction to this conclusion. The very kind of patient benefits that result from competition will be lost by this approach.
Instead of relying upon innovation to replace products whose patents have expired, HR 1598 rewards legal tactics and gimmickry that have one purpose - to delay as long as possible real market competition. One would think that this is the very kind of corporate mentality that should be discouraged not rewarded.
Equally important to understand in assessing HR 1598 is that there are several fundamental conceptual flaws with the proposed legislation that results in a pre-determined outcome. First, the bill is absurdly slanted in favor of the applicant. Section 2 establishes a procedure for granting patent extension that has two primary standards: 1) an FDA review period exceeding 60 months; 2) the applicant acted with "due diligence." HR 1598 assumes that the applicant acted with due diligence unless substantial evidence to the contrary is presented. In other words, if Schering-Plough was "diligent" in its attempts to file bioequivalence data -- faulty though it may have been -- and was actively engaged with the FDA, then they get a multi-billion dollar patent extension.
Second, as was true with prior versions of this proposal, HR 1598 would require the Commissioner of the United States Patent and Trademark Office to make a legal determination about whether an entirely different agency, the Food and Drug Administration, performed its responsibilities in accordance with its statutory mandate. At no time during the entire consideration of this legislation has there been a credible demonstration that the Commissioner of Patents has sufficient knowledge of the FDA and its processes or pharmaceutical policy that justifies this delegation of authority.
Third, the burden of proof rests with the wrong party. According to the proposed process, the requested extension will be presumed by law to be in the public interest, unless an opponent of the extension can prove that there is substantial evidence that the applicant did not act with "due diligence". The burden is not on the company to prove that granting the patent extension is in the public's interest. Instead, inexplicably, some unknown third party must prove the negative.
As a result of these deficiencies, we believe that this process is really intended to achieve a pre-determined result, not to establish an impartial procedure for determining whether a company was so disadvantaged that it should receive a special legal dispensation that injures consumers, taxpayers, and the federal government.
Success in moving HR 1598 will breed imitation. There is no reason to believe that the proposed legislation will not be amended to provide other companies with additional patent relief. In fact, some brand pharmaceutical firms have made it clear that they will attempt to amend the legislation to provide patent relief to other products should it be considered seriously by Congress. Thus, one of the real dangers of H.R. 1598 is its inexorable and inevitable disruption of the Hatch-Waxman Act, opening the door for the ultimate reversal of the most significant consumer health care access and savings act in history.
In closing, I would like to pose a question, and then answer it. What will happen to Schering-Plough if they are unsuccessful in getting Congress to extend their Claritin patents? The answer comes directly form Schering-Plough's Chief Executive, Richard Jay Kogan. In a story published in the Wall Street Journal on Monday, Kogan is quoted as saying that his company had several add-on patents on Claritin that may protect the drug for years beyond 2002, when the first patent expires on the chemical compound. The story went on to note that the "company was in late-stage human testing of desloratadine, a metabolite of the chemical in Claritin, whose patents expire in 2004 and 2014," and as such Schering-Plough is in a "good position to compete on its own and isn't interested in a merger at this time."
Clearly, without a multi-billion dollar, three-year tax on allergy sufferers, the makers of Claritin will be all right.
In summary, it is my hope that when Congress considers the issues of federal pharmaceutical policy, the debate will not focus on how to construct a process designed to achieve only one outcome - the endless preservation of one company's product monopoly. Instead, I hope that the focus will be on how to protect the public health policy issue of balancing brand pharmaceutical research and development with the introduction of new generic medicines, and the economic balance of rewarding innovation and promoting competition.
The American people would be better served by having us debate ways to extend access to affordable medicines, such as looking for ways to expand the benefits of the Hatch-Waxman Act. Some examples might include closing loopholes, speeding approvals, and expanding coverage to new classes of drugs such as generic biotechnology derived-drug products.
Today, the biotechnology industry is unique in the pharmaceutical industry in that it does not have generic competition. There is no explicit regulatory pathway for generic biotech approval, despite the fact that a number of blockbuster biotech products are already off patent or will be by the turn of the century. Not only would consumers and government purchasers benefit greatly from the cost savings attributed to generic biotech products, but allowing new competition from generic manufacturers would serve as an incentive for the biotech industry to innovate the next generation of biotech drugs. In this way, we could save money for all consumers, rather than tax consumers to the benefit of select companies.When you look at the headlines from the past several weeks, clearly the cost of pharmaceutical products is of paramount concern to a broad, bipartisan group of legislators deeply concerned about the ability of Americans to afford their medicine. I would encourage Congress to turn its back on the debate of such special interest legislation as HR 1598, and focus on debate over ways to give every citizen the medicines they need, without the financial hardship they now face.
The brand and generic industry agree that affordable medicines are the key to longer, healthier and more productive lives. Let us work together with you to resolve the problems of dispensing medicines to all Americans, including the under-insured and uninsured, and not waste time debating the dispensation of special corporate favors that drive up the cost of medicines.
I urge the Committee to reject HR 1598. I am happy to answer any questions you might have.
END


LOAD-DATE: July 2, 1999




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