HEALTH CARE - A Dozen Key Players
By Marilyn Werber Serafini, National Journal
© National
Journal Group Inc.
Saturday, July 17, 1999
Here are some of the politicians, policy analysts, and
industry representatives working on proposals to reduce the
number of uninsured Americans.
Rep. Dick Armey, R-Texas
Armey hadn't been considered a leader on health care
issues, but he has been delving into the issue in recent months--
and raising hopes that bipartisanship is possible. Armey
announced in May that he was working on a bill to offer
individuals who can't get health insurance from employers a
refundable tax credit to buy coverage on their own. Armey's
proposal envisions an annual subsidy of $ 1,000 for individuals
and $ 3,000 for families. He's emphasizing tax equity, arguing
against the current system, which gives employers the biggest tax
breaks for workers with the highest incomes. Armey spent months
trying to agree on draft legislation with liberal Rep. Fortney H.
''Pete'' Stark, D-Calif., but their talks recently broke down.
Stark wanted to require insurers to take all applicants, and
Armey did not. Armey is searching for another Democrat to join in
a bipartisan approach.
Grace-Marie Arnett
Arnett is president of the Galen Institute, a nonprofit
research organization in Alexandria, Va., and coordinator for the
Health Policy Consensus Group, a collection of 18 health care
analysts. Arnett and other leading health care analysts have
advocated changing the way the tax system treats health insurance
since 1994, when the Health Security Act faltered. With the
Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute, the Galen Institute
sponsored a retreat for congressional aides last November. ''We
did a daylong look-through of visions, and the community began to
see that tax credits for the uninsured is a win-win situation,''
Arnett said. In June, Arnett organized a press briefing
highlighting support within the consensus group for tax credits.
The group has put together a book that will be published this
summer, called Empowering Health Care Consumers Through Tax
Reform.
Stuart Butler
As vice president for domestic and economic policy
studies at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in
Washington, Butler is giving some conservatives the comfort they
need to back the tax credit concept by giving it his stamp of
approval. And, in an unusual role, the foundation has held out
the olive branch to liberals to demonstrate the potential for
bipartisanship on this matter. Heritage hosted a lecture in May
that brought liberal Rep. Jim McDermott, D-Wash., and
conservative Rep. James E. Rogan, R-Calif., to the same stage to
talk about tax credits. The two have co-sponsored a health care
tax credit bill. Butler and others at Heritage have advocated the
idea of health care tax credits for years. Butler said in recent
testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee that a credit
should be structured so that employers are not encouraged to stop
offering health insurance to workers.
President Clinton
Ever since the demise of his sweeping health care reform
plan in 1994, Clinton has pursued help for the uninsured in
smaller doses. Now, with Republicans excited about using tax
credits for health insurance, Clinton has the White House
examining the idea--plus alternatives. Aides say the President
thinks there may be more cost-effective ways to help the
uninsured than tax credits. For instance, Clinton is a strong
proponent of the State Children's Health Insurance Program, which
enabled 982,000 children to receive insurance in 1998, its first
year of operation. Under SCHIP, the federal government provides
block-grant money to the states so that they can expand Medicaid,
the health insurance program for the poor, or start new state
programs. Although Clinton is not expected to lead the battle for
tax credits, he still considers the issue of the uninsured a top
priority, say aides. Plus, first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton
remains committed to dealing with the problem.
John Goodman
Goodman, the president of the National Center for Policy
Analysis, a conservative think tank in Dallas, wants to give
every American access to health insurance, by offering a tax
credit to people who can't get insurance through the workplace
and providing a state-run safety-net program for those who choose
to remain uninsured. Goodman would finance the new federal
expenditures with money that the government is now using to
subsidize health care for the uninsured. A trusted adviser to
House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, and House Ways and
Means Committee Chairman Bill Archer, R-Texas, Goodman is
pitching his proposal to House Republicans. He is also trying to
sell his plan to Texas Gov. George W. Bush, the front-runner for
the Republican presidential nomination. (Goodman is part of
Bush's policy team.) Goodman is also talking to Republicans in
the Senate, including James M. Jeffords, R-Vt., who chairs the
Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee. Jeffords is now
drafting a bill.
Sen. James M. Jeffords, R-Vt.
Jeffords, chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and
Pensions Committee, is one of only a few Senators actively
exploring solutions to the problem of the uninsured. ''It's
something I feel is very important,'' he said. And although he
acknowledged that members of the Senate haven't been nearly as
active as House members on the issue, Jeffords says the matter is
quickly ''gaining momentum.'' He wants to offer uninsured
Americans a tax credit that would cover as much as the full cost
of a health insurance premium in the private market. Without such
a rich benefit, he said, few uninsured people would use the
credit to buy insurance. Jeffords, though, would place some
limits on eligibility, so that people with higher incomes would
not qualify. Jeffords is in a unique position because he serves
on both the Health Committee and the Finance Committee, the two
panels with primary jurisdiction over health care.
Charles N. Kahn III
Kahn, the president of the Health Insurance Association
of America, a trade group that represents insurance companies,
used to be the chief health care aide on the House Ways and Means
Committee. He jumped into the debate with a $ 75 billion-a-year
comprehensive proposal that would give grants to states to insure
low-income people. People with incomes between one and two times
the poverty level would get federal vouchers to help pay for
insurance. The insurance industry is trying to convince policy-
makers not to disturb the existing employer-based health care
system--out of concern that employers would drop health benefits.
Typically, employer health care plans are a more attractive
business proposition to insurers than individual policies.
David Kendall
Kendall, a senior fellow for health policy at the
Progressive Policy Institute, a Washington think tank affiliated
with the centrist Democratic Leadership Council, is considered a
bridge within the policy community between those on the right who
are looking for free-market solutions to the uninsured and those
on the left who think that the only solution is for the
government to run a program. ''He makes it possible for (tax
credits) to be an OK position for them to take,'' said Grace-
Marie Arnett of the Galen Institute. Kendall is a member of the
Health Policy Consensus Group. He's also a member of an informal
group of people from business, the insurance industry, think
tanks, and congressional staffs who meet to discuss health care
reforms, especially market-based ideas, at the Wye River
Conference Center on Maryland's Eastern Shore. Kendall advises
both Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill, and he was an
inside player the last time Congress considered major health care
reform bills in 1993 and 1994. He was a health care aide to
former Rep. Jim Cooper, D-Tenn., who developed a bill based on
so-called managed competition, a free-market alternative to
Clinton's Health Security Act.
Rep. Jim McDermott, D-Wash.
For years, McDermott has advocated a national health care
system that would give all Americans medical care through a
single government program such as Medicare or Medicaid. But, he
admits, that's not going to happen as long as Republicans control
Congress. Indeed, even when Democrats were in charge, they
couldn't make it happen. ''The reality is that the political
climate to have an honest debate about universal coverage was
destroyed by partisan bickering (over health care reform
legislation) in 1994.'' Now, like some other Democrats, McDermott
is working with the GOP to see if incremental change is possible.
He teamed up with conservative Rep. James E. Rogan, R-Calif., in
May to introduce a bill that would offer a partially refundable
tax credit to any taxpayer who could not get health insurance
through the workplace.
Mark Pauly
Because Pauly is part of the academic community--he's a
professor of health care systems and economics at the University
of Pennsylvania's Wharton School--the people he reaches are
different from the think tank experts. Pauly has written books
providing economic and political analysis of employer-based
health insurance. He's part of the Health Policy Consensus Group,
and he comes to the table from a market-oriented viewpoint. The
time is right for health care tax credits, Pauly says.
''Employment-based insurance is eroding, even in a period of
tight labor markets, and employees are becoming increasingly
dissatisfied with the type and portability of insurance they are
offered,'' he said at a recent press briefing of the consensus
group.
Rep. Fortney H. ''Pete'' Stark, D-Calif.
Stark, a liberal who understands America's health care
system better than almost anyone else in the House, is likely to
have a hand in any bipartisan tax credit proposal that emerges
from the chamber. As the top Democrat on the Ways and Means
Health Subcommittee, Stark has already defined some key
differences that divide Democrats and Republicans. For instance,
he and Armey were unable to agree on how to make it easier for
people with tax credits to buy health insurance on their own.
''He and I agree that you can't just give the people the credit
and say, 'Go buy what you want.' But getting there was the
difficult part,'' Stark said. The moment Stark began talking
about requiring insurance companies to take all applicants, ''We
couldn't find a way to deal with it.'' In the end, Stark
introduced a bill on his own that makes available a refundable
tax credit to anyone who doesn't participate in an employer-
sponsored health plan. Participating health plans could not turn
away unhealthy applicants.
Rep. Bill Thomas, R-Calif.
Thomas, the chairman of the House Ways and Means Health
Subcommittee, has been examining broad-based solutions to reverse
the growth of the uninsured. But some of his early ideas alarmed
his colleagues in Congress, as well as health care analysts. He
proposed offering tax credits for health insurance to everyone,
including those who now get health care through their employers.
Critics predicted that would cause employers to stop providing
coverage for workers. As a result of the flap, Armey decided to
become more active in health care reform and push his own, more
modest, proposal. But, now, Armey appears to be deferring to
Thomas more than he was. Thomas acknowledges the difficulty of
pursuing comprehensive legislation and suggests that a multi-
committee task force might be formed in the House to deal with
the issue.