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Congressional Testimony
September 26, 2000, Tuesday
SECTION: CAPITOL HILL HEARING TESTIMONY
LENGTH: 9507 words
COMMITTEE:
SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS
SUBCOMMITTEE:
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY, EXPORT AND TRADE PROMOTION
HEADLINE: TESTIMONY U.S. FOREIGN POLICY REVIEW
TESTIMONY-BY: MADELEINE ALBRIGHT , TESTIMONY OF
SECRETARY OF STATE MADELINE ALBRIGHT
BODY:
TESTIMONY OF SECRETARY OF STATE MADELEINE ALBRIGHT BEFORE THE SENATE FOREIGN
RELATIONS COMMITTEE SEPTEMBER 26, 2000 Mr. Chairman, Senators, good morning. I
am pleased to have the opportunity to see you all again. This late in the
session, I see little value in duplicating the rather encyclopedic statement I
presented earlier in the year. Instead, I would like to restrict myself to three
main points. First, although there are only a few days left in this Congress,
and only a few months in this Administration, there remains considerable work to
be done. The world does not stand still, even for American elections. Between
now and January, we can expect significant developments in key regions, and we
prepare constantly to deal with the-unforeseen. During this time of transition,
I ask your help in providing the kind of bipartisan support for U.S. leadership
that has characterized our nation at its best, and that American interests
constantly demand. Second, I would like to highlight once more the importance of
obtaining adequate resources for our international operations and programs. The
next President, of whichever party, will be expected to provide strong
leadership. But it takes money to forge peace, prevent proliferation, dismantle
nuclear weapon, defeat drug cartels, counter terrorists, promote U.S. exports,
spur development, strengthen democracy, enhance the rule of law, fight
pollution, combat AIDS and otherwise defend America's interests and values
around the world. America's capacity to lead is not a partisan issue; it's a
patriotic issue. At the moment, Congress is proposing to slash roughly $2
billion from the President's budget requests for international operations and
programs. If these plans prevail, the next President will take office with his
foreign policy bank account depleted and his ability to respond to changing
world events gravely impaired. The 21st Century is no time for America to
retreat. The cuts proposed in such key areas as security for our diplomatic
personnel, nonproliferation, counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, family planning
and foreign military financing are not simply disappointing; they are dangerous.
Congress should approve the President's full requests for international affairs.
The entire amount is equal to only about one penny for every dollar the Federal
Government spends. But it makes an enormous difference to the security of our
communities, the prosperity of our families and the freedom of our world.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to review briefly some of the major foreign
policy accomplishments that resulted from this Administration, this Committee
and this Congress working together the past few years on behalf of America, and
also to take a look at where we are headed as the new century begins. When
President Clinton took office, our nation was beginning an historic
re-evaluation of its entire approach to international affairs in light of the
geopolitical and technological changes that were transforming our world. Our
goal was to make the most of the opportunities opened up by the prospects for
East-West cooperation, while coping with the accompanying disruptions and
preparing to meet emerging threats. To succeed, we had to resist both the
temptation to retreat from international affairs, and the compulsion to become
involved in every crisis and conflict. We needed to steer a steady course
between isolation, which is not possible in our era, and overreaching, which is
not sustainable. We had to replace the Cold War foreign policy framework with a
new framework, able to meet the demands of the new century, including effective
public diplomacy, and make full use of every available foreign policy tool.
Together, Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, I believe we have made
great progress. International Economic Leadership. Consider, for example, that
eight years that eight years ago, America was viewed widely as a drag on global
economic growth, because our budget deficits were huge and our economy sluggish.
Today, those deficits are gone; our people are prosperous; our economy is the
world's most competitive; and our international economic leadership has been
fully restored. America's strong economy and the Administration's support for
reform helped the world navigate successfully through the worst financial crisis
since the Great Depression. We have worked to make the international financial
system more effective by placing greater emphasis on fighting corruption,
creating transparency, and encouraging investments in people. We have tried to
make the global economy more inclusive through targeted debt relief, helping
developing countries build the capacity to meet WTO commitments, and working
with Congress to enhance trade opportunities for Africa, Central America and the
Caribbean. We have worked with American business, farming and labor
representatives to make world markets more equitable by negotiating beneficial
trade and investment agreements, supporting core worker standards, and striving
to outlaw commercial bribery and ensure the protection of intellectual property
and other legal rights. We have negotiated dozens of Open Skies and other civil
aviation agreements that have benefited American communities, businesses and
travelers. The result is a world economy that is strong and growing, with the
United States as its dynamic center; and an international economic agenda aimed
at broadening the benefits of growth both within and among societies. Leading
for a Safer World. In 1993, our most urgent security objective was to ensure the
control and safe handling of weapons of mass destruction in the former Soviet
Union. Since that time, with strong support from this Committee, the
Administration has gained the removal of nuclear arms from three former Soviet
Republics; helped deactivate thousands of nuclear warheads; strengthened the
security of nuclear weapons and materials at more than 100 sites; and purchased
more than 60 tons of highly-enriched uranium that could have been used by
terrorists or outlaw states to build nuclear weapons. We have also provided
opportunities for t6ns of thousands of former Soviet weapons
scientists-including chemical and biological weapons experts-to participate in
peaceful commercial and research ventures at home rather than take their
expertise to potentially hostile states. Despite these steps, the job of
preventing "loose nukes" and other proliferation dangers is far from complete.
Russia's record on nuclear and missile exports remains mixed, whether for lack
of capability or lack of will. That's why nonproliferation remains among our
highest priorities in dealing with Russia at every level from the Presidential
to the technical. And it is why so much of our assistance to Russia is used for
programs that reduce the chance that weapons of mass destruction or sensitive
missile technology will fall into the wrong hands. For example, funds from our
Science Center program helped develop a kidney dialysis capability that is being
further developed and commercialized through an Energy Department program. By
providing hundreds of jobs for former weapons scientists, this program is
helping to downsize Russia's closed nuclear cities and make Americans safer. It
is both disturbing and puzzling, therefore, that Congress is proposing to reduce
funding for the Science Centers by fifty percent. I urge Congress to support the
President's request for nonproliferation programs in their entirety, including
the Science Centers and the nuclear safeguards system of the International
Atomic Energy Agency. Towards a Europe "Whole and Free." In 1993, skeptics were
saying that the Trans-Atlantic link would surely weaken in the post-Cold War
world, and that NATO would lose relevance in the absence of its traditional
unifying rationale. Here again, with your help, we have proven those skeptics
wrong. We have worked steadily with the European Union to broaden our
partnership, develop joint responses to global challenges and fast-breaking
crises, and support its plans for enlargement. We have joined in strengthening
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, agreeing last November
on a new Charter for European Security. We have encouraged integration and
cooperation through such measures as our Northern Europe Initiative and our
Southeast European Cooperative Initiative. And we have joined other Alliance
leaders in strengthening NATO through the admission of three new members, and
the adoption of a plan to help other aspiring Allies prepare for possible entry,
and have provided military assistance to aid these countries in reaching their
accession goals. During the 1999 Washington Summit, President Clinton and his
counterparts adopted a revised Strategic Concept, vowed to develop the
capabilities required to respond to the full spectrum of threats NATO may face,
deepened NATO's partnerships with Europe's other democracies, and agreed to
strengthen the European pillar of the Alliance in a way that bolsters both
Alliance effectiveness and Trans-Atlantic ties. Now NATO and the EU are in the
process of forging an historic partnership to just that end. But NATO did more
during the 1990's than prepare. It also acted. When President Clinton took
office, war was raging in the Balkans, where a UN peace operation was failing,
and atrocities were being committed on a daily basis. Many argued that America
should look the other way and hope the fighting would simply burn itself out.
But history warns us that in this region there is no natural firebreak to
conflict. So when diplomatic options were exhausted, the Administration and many
Members of this Committee called for NATO airstrikes to help end the war in
Bosnia. And when Slobodan Milosevic launched a campaign of terror in Kosovo,
NATO launched a campaign to stop him. This was not simply a humanitarian
intervention. President Clinton was making good on a solemn pledge given by
President Bush in 1992 that America would respond if Milosevic used force to
repress the people of Kosovo. NATO.was proving it could act with unity and
resolve to defend European stability. And together, we were reinforcing the
principle that massive violations of human rights cannot be ignored; they must
be opposed. During the past fourteen months in Kosovo, a million refugees have
returned, schools and health services have re- opened, a market economy has
begun to function, civilian police are being trained and the KLA has been
demilitarized and disarmed. The process of strengthening local autonomy will
continue with the municipal elections scheduled for next month. We did the right
thing in Kosovo, but the job is far from finished. To talk about leaving
prematurely, as some now do, is to suggest weakness in a region where weakness
still attracts vultures. Our purpose in Kosovo is not simply to punch a time
clock and move on; it is to replace the rule of force with the rule of law. So
that when we do leave, order will be self- sustaining, democracy will have taken
hold, and our troops can not only come home, but stay home. Kosovo is important,
but it is only one piece of a much larger puzzle. After World War II, the
Marshall Plan helped establish strong democracies in Europe's website. After the
Cold War, the SEED program helped democracy take hold in Europe's center. Now,
after years of conflict in the Balkans, we have forged a Stability Pact with our
EU and regional partners to encourage democracy in Europe's southeast. And we
are making progress throughout the area, including the former Yugoslavia. In
recent years, Bosnia has held fair, competitive elections at every level.
Croatia has made a national U-turn away from extremism and towards integration
with the West. Slovenia, Macedonia and Montenegro have elected democratic
leaders. Even in Yugoslavia, democratic forces are becoming stronger. Despite
threats from Milosevic's thugs, they have waged a courageous campaign for
change, kindled hope among the Serb people, and brought closer the day we can
welcome all of Yugoslavia into the democratic community. As this is written, we
awaiting the final results of the September 24 elections. Security and Democracy
in Asia and the Pacific. Mr. Chairman, eight years ago, there were many doubts
in Asia and the Pacific about America's willingness to continue playing a strong
regional role in the aftermath of the Cold War. These doubts have been put to
rest. There can no longer be any question about the level of American commitment
to, or interest in, Asia. President Clinton has visited there more often than
any other President. I have visited more frequently than any previous Secretary
of State. With our allies and partners, we have weathered the financial crisis
while encouraging financial reform. We have upgraded and modernized our security
ties with our ally Japan and developed a robust Common Agenda for action on
global issues. We have welcomed South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's engagement
policy with North Korea, and will resume tomorrow our own discussions with
Pyongyang on issues of concern to the international community, including nuclear
programs and missiles. our relationship with China remains both important and
complex. I want to congratulate Members of both Houses of Congress for
supporting legislation to grant Permanent Normal Trade Relations
(PNTR) to that country. This was the right vote economically
because it will enable American farmers, ranchers and businesspeople to gain
greater access to China's market, and to do so under international rules about
what is fair. It was the right vote from a security perspective because it
encourages China's integration into the international system. And it was the
right vote for the future because it will help to open China up to new
influences and ideas. Although the PNTR issue has garnered much
attention, the other aspects of our relationship with China have not been
neglected. We have continued to press Beijing to bring its policies and
practices into line with international nonproliferation norms. We have
encouraged-the resumption of its dialogue with Taipei. We consult regularly
regarding developments on the Korean Peninsula. And we have been firm and
persistent in raising our concerns about human rights, including religious and
press freedom, and respect for the unique religious, cultural and linguistic
heritage of Tibet.' In Southeast Asia, we have developed a bilateral trade
agreement with Vietnam, pressed hard for a democratic dialogue and respect for
human rights in Burma, and assisted the UN mission in East Timor. We have also
been the largest bilateral donor to the forces of civil society in Indonesia as
that key nation struggles to build stability and prosperity through its
promising but extremely fragile democracy. In South Asia, President Clinton's
historic trip last spring, and Prime Minister Vajpayee's recent return visit
here, have helped open a promising new chapter in our relations with India, the
globe's largest democracy. India can be an important partner on issues ranging
from world peace to global climate change, and from cooperation in exploring the
new frontiers of science to combating humanity's oldest plagues, such as poverty
and disease. At the same time, we have not forgotten our other friends in South
Asia, including Pakistan. We are keeping open channels of communication to
Islamabad, most recently in my meeting at UN General Assembly with Pakistan's
Foreign Minister Sattar. We continue to urge Pakistan and India to observe the
"four R's" articulated by President Clinton in both countries in March:
restraint, respect for the Line of Control in Kashmir, rejection of violence,
and renewal of dialogue. We will keep working, publicly and in private, to ease
tensions and reduce the nuclear threat in this vital part of the world. The
Community of the Americas. In our own hemisphere, the Summit of the Americas
process has generated unprecedented level of cooperation in support of
democracy, development and law. From Argentina to Alaska, we are now pursuing a
common agenda towards more open economies, fighting poverty, improving
education, respecting human rights, and strengthening the rule of law. We have
also given close attention to our key bilateral relationships. For example, I
was pleased last month to have the opportunity, along with President Clinton, to
meet with Mexico's President- elect Vincente Fox. The growth of democratic
pluralism in our southern neighbor is welcome, as is the President-elect's
desire to explore fresh opportunities for cross-border cooperation. Also in
August, I had a chance to visit six countries in South America. I conveyed a
strong message of support for strengthening democratic institutions, broadening
economic opportunity, and enhancing regional cooperation in the fight against
illegal drug trafficking. In this connection, I want to thank Members of this
Committee for supporting our supplemental request to assist President Pastrana's
Plan Colombia. Every country, not only in our hemisphere, has a stake in this
Plan's success. Obviously there are no easy answers in Colombia. Illegal armed
groups from the left and right feed off the narcotics trade and run roughshod
over the rights of civilians. It will take more than talk to defeat the drug
thugs. But at the same time, there must be an economic plan, a peace program, a
commitment to human rights and an effort to prevent conflict from spreading
across national borders. President Clinton, Speaker Hastert, Senator Biden and I
expressed strong support for such a comprehensive approach during our visit to
Colombia last month. I hope this kind of approach will continue to find
bipartisan support in our'country for years to come. In Peru, President
Fujimori's announcement that he will call new elections and deactivate the
National Intelligence Service is welcome and provides an opportunity to
strengthen Peruvian democracy. The ways and means of achieving these goals,
including the appropriate date for elections, are for .Peruvians to decide. The
appropriate role for the international community is to urge parties to return to
the OAS-sponsored dialogue on democratic reform and to cooperate in devising
electoral procedures that are open, orderly, free and fair. It is vital that
President Fujimori meet the commitments he has made to his people. It is also
important that other participants in the political process come together in
support of democratic norms, and on behalf of policies that will unite, rather
than divide, the Peruvian people. A New Approach to Africa. The Clinton-Gore
Administration has devoted more time and attention to Africa than any of its
predecessors. Our approach has been based on two overriding goals. The first is
to integrate Africa more fully into the global economy, through the promotion of
democratic reforms and the resolution of destabilizing conflicts. The second is
to work with African leaders to combat transnational security threats including
terrorism, illegal drugs, crime and disease. On the economic side, we have
supported debt relief for the most heavily-indebted reforming countries,
requested and obtained higher levels of development assistance, crafted an
Africa Food Security Initiative, responded rapidly to humanitarian disasters
such as the recent floods in Mozambique, and worked with Congress in win
approval of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act. Diplomatically, we have lent
support to regional and United Nations efforts to conclude a comprehensive peace
between Ethiopia and Eritrea; end fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo;
achieve a viable internal settlement in Burundi, halt the bloodshed and
violations of basic human rights in Sudan, and restore stability to Sierra
Leone. Through the Africa Crisis Response Initiative, we have sought to enhance
the region's indigenous peacekeeping capabilities. We have been the largest
donor to both ECOMOG and the OAU Conflict Management Center. With strong support
from Members of this Committee, and personal leadership from the President and
Vice-President, we have substantially increased our investment in what must be a
multi- year, around-the-clock campaign not only in Africa, but around the world
to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS. We have developed innovative
counter-terrorism, counter- crime and counter-narcotics strategies for Africa,
and signed an agreement this past summer to establish a regional law enforcement
academy in Botswana. And as President Clinton's recent trip indicates ' we have
placed special emphasis on support for the fragile democratic transition in
Nigeria, Africa's most populous country. Through our Joint Economic Partnership
Committee, we are helping Nigeria deliver a "democracy dividend" to its people.
Leading for Peace. Mr. Chairman, I think Americans may be especially proud in
recent years of our role in trying to ease historic enmities and help one-time
adversaries to settle differences peacefully. Even when these initiatives do not
succeed, they put pressure on recalcitrant parties to justify their actions, and
give encouragement to those seeking a basis for agreements in the future.
Congress is a full partner in these efforts, both through the counsel you give
and the resources you provide. President Clinton and former Senator George
Mitchell deserve special credit for the role they played in making possible the
Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, where centuries of bitterness have
been supplanted by cooperation and hope. And the President deserves praise, as
well, for his indefatigable efforts on behalf of a Middle East Peace. As Members
of this Committee are well aware, the prospects for achieving an agreement
between Israelis and Palestinians this year on permanent status issues diminish
with each passing day. But at Camp David, Prime Minister Barak and Chairman
Arafat made unprecedented progress on matters they had not before seriously
discussed. Since then, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators have explored ways to
build on these gains. Like the last miles in a marathon, the final steps towards
peace in the Middle East are the hardest. But if we were to look back to the
beginning of the last decade, we would realize how far the parties have come
toward resolving some of the most intractable, emotional and complex issues
negotiators have ever had to untangle. Together, Israelis and Palestinians have
moved far down the road to a settlement that would meet each other's core needs,
and open the door to a period of greater security, prosperity and cooperation
than the region has ever known. The stakes are too high for them to turn back
now, or for the United States to reduce in any way its commitment to help the
parties move further along that road. Promoting Democracy and Human Rights.
Under President Clinton, the United States has led for prosperity, security and
peace. We have also led for democracy. Today, the world is more free than at any
prior period. For the first time in history, more than half its people live
under elected governments. But many democratic regimes are fragile, and require
both internal reinforcement and outside help. That is why, this past summer in
Poland, more than 100 nations came together for the first time to reaffirm
democratic principles and ensure that the democratic tide remains a rising tide
around the world. Our purpose was to initiate a global dialogue on how
democratic nations can best help each other to strengthen their institutions,
cooperate within international organizations and combat threats to democratic
development. We are now following up this Community of Democracies initiative
through discussions with our co-convening partners, deliberations at the UN
General Assembly, conversations with nongovernmental groups, bilateral dialogues
with Warsaw participants, and planning for a second conference in Seoul in 2002.
Diplomacy in the 21st Century. Mr. Chairman, we have been privileged during the
past decade to witness and help engineer a dramatic restructuring in our
national security institutions to reflect dramatic changes in the world. This
Committee has contributed mightily through the FREEDOM Support Act, the
Nunn-Lugar program, the SEED Act, consent to NATO enlargement, the
reorganization legislation, the Helms- Biden bill and many other initiatives.
You have also been participants in a process of shifting and expanding the focus
of American foreign policy. Twenty years ago, when American diplomats sat down
with our counterparts overseas, the agenda was dominated by Cold War concerns.
And America's interests were measured primarily by the single yardstick of the
superpower rivalry. Today, our agendas are far broader and so are the demands we
place on our diplomats and on others. The United States is the most powerful
nation in the world. And yet, when I sit down with the Foreign Ministers of even
very small countries, I often have far more to ask than to give. My interlocutor
may seek a larger USAID program debt relief or technical assistance to help
respond to one problem or another. But I may ask for cooperation and help on a
long list of issues, from countering terror and interdicting drugs to economic
reform and human rights. This reflects the reality that, in our era, foreign
policy is no longer comparable to a game of chess. Now, it's more like a game of
pool, with each action setting off a chain reaction that rearranges every ball
on the table We are more mobile, but so are weapons, criminals, viruses and
pollutants. In the West, populations are older, but almost everywhere else they
are younger, and pressures for migration will accumulate if those in
less-advantaged countries cannot build decent future-s at home. Today,
everything is connected. A society weakened by disease will find it harder to
resist the predations of international criminals or to cope with environmental
stress. Because of our global interests, responsibilities and reach, no country
has a greater stake than America in an international system of institutions and
laws that works to improve the lives of people everywhere. That is why we have
been right to devote so much energy to reforming and improving international
organizations, including the United Nations. And why we should come together now
and in the future to support their vital work by meeting our obligations and
striving with others to strengthen their capabilities. In this way, we can help
to blaze new trails of cooperation on what are commonly referred to as global
issues. And thereby respond to opportunities and threats in a manner essential
to America's long-term security and prosperity. These challenges include
protecting our planet by limiting greenhouse gas emissions; securing safe water
supplies; halting desertification; promoting biodiversity; and negotiating a ban
on the world's most persistent and toxic pollutants. Equally vital is the
challenge of protecting people by caring for refugees, advancing the status of
women and girls, preventing the exploitation of children, saving lives through
family planning and reproductive health care services, and helping law-abiding
people everywhere to be more secure. A good example of this last imperative is
our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the
former Yugoslavia, and our support for special judicial mechanisms to achieve
accountability for atrocities in places such as Cambodia and Sierra Leone. We
have also been working with others to collect all the evidence we can to support
a possible future prosecution of Saddam. Hussein. The world will be a better,
safer and more just place if those who violate international humanitarian law
are required to answer for their crimes. The world will also benefit if nations
close ranks against the threat posed by international criminal organizations. To
this end, the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime was finalized
last July with strong U.S. support. The Convention would require participating
countries to criminalize such activities as money laundering, corruption of
public officials and obstruction of justice. Next month in Vienna, negotiators
will meet to complete three protocols related to this Convention, on migrant
smuggling, trafficking in persons, and the illicit manufacturing and sale of
firearms. If adopted, these instruments can provide powerful new tools in the
fight against organized crime. We can also help by approving strong and smart
domestic legislation, such as that developed by Senators Brownback and
Wellstone, against trafficking in human beings. On the surface, the many issues
and accomplishments discussed above may appear to comprise a very disparate
list. But in our era, democracy, prosperity and security are intimately related.
The connecting thread is our goal of encouraging nations everywhere to come
together around basic principles of political freedom, economic opportunity and
the rule of law. In this process, there are no final victories. Most of our
efforts remain works in progress. Protecting America's interests is a 24 hour/7
day a week/365 day a year mission that has no completion date. But our interests
are served with every successful democratic transition, every conflict resolved
without violence, every advance toward a more open and transparent world
economy, every example of justice served, and every increase in respect for
basic human rights. I cannot conclude without repeating a request I have made
every time I have appeared before this Committee. Please approve the Convention
to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. If you're thinking about
a goodbye present, Mr. Chairman, this would do fine. The Senate also has before
it two protocols negotiated earlier this year in Geneva, one on child soldiers
and the other on the sexual exploitation of children. I urge the Senate to give
its advice and consent to these treaties before going home for the year. I also
want to make a plea for passage of legislation to re- authorize the Visa Waiver
program, which has been approved by the House and is now held up in the Senate.
This program is essential to literally millions of American and foreign
travelers, to our transportation and tourist industries, and to our relations
with key allies and friends. Parting Thoughts. Mr. Chairman, and Senators, it
has been a great privilege and-more often than not--a real pleasure to have
worked with you these past seven and a half years. I cannot tell what the future
may hold. But I leave you with these thoughts. First, I believe very genuinely
in the importance of bipartisanship in foreign policy. This is not simply
because, as I have said, that upon joining the State Department I had my own
partisan instincts surgically removed. It is because our role in the world is
just too vital-7-to us, to our many allies and friends, and to our children--to
be compromised for short- term political gain. Second, there must be a true
spirit of partnership between the Executive Branch and Capitol Hill. it is a
tribute to Members of this Committee that on most issues, most of the time, we
have had that. When we have disagreed, we have done so agreeably. And when we
have acted together, we have usually prevailed. The beneficial results of our
partnership provide much of the substance of my testimony today. Third, I hope
this Committee shares my pride in the people-- Foreign, Service Officers, Civil
Service and Foreign Service Nationals--who work every day, often under very
difficult and dangerous conditions, to protect our interests and tell America's
story around the world. I have never been associated with a more talented,
professional or dedicated group of people. We need a first-class military, and
we have one. We also need first-class diplomacy, and we should give those who
represent our nation abroad all the support and respect they deserve. This means
that we simply must make a far greater commitment of resources to our
international operations and programs. At this point in the Administration, I
hope you recognize that this is not special pleading. There are only a few days
left in-this Congress, and I recognize there are limits to what even the Members
of this prestigious Committee can accomplish. But I urge you to use your
influence and eloquence to help give this Administration and the next the kind
of support they will need to exercise strong American leadership around the
globe. Finally, I want to reiterate to you the depth of my pride and the sense
of honor I have had in representing America first to the United Nations and now
to the world. Our country, like any other, is composed of humans and therefore
flawed. We are not always correct in our actions or judgments. But I know from
the experience of my own life the importance and rightness of our nation's
ideals. I have seen first-hand the difference that our actions have made and
continue to make in the lives of men, women and children on every continent. I
believe profoundly in the goodness of the American people. And my faith in the
future is grounded like a rock in my belief in America. This country has given
me so much,, I cannot hope to repay it. But I will always be grateful to
President Clinton and to this Committee-for allowing me the opportunity these
past seven and a half years to try. Senators, for your friendship and support, I
salute you. For your hospitality today, I thank you. And for the opportunity to
continue working with you in the weeks immediately to come, I want to express in
advance my heartfelt appreciation. And now, I would be pleased to respond to any
questions you might have.
LOAD-DATE: September 28,
2000, Thursday 
