Copyright 2000 The National Journal, Inc.
The National Journal
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May 13, 2000
SECTION: CONGRESS; Pg. 1526; Vol. 32, No. 20
LENGTH: 943 words
HEADLINE: A
Critical Fence-Sitter
BYLINE: Richard E. Cohen
HIGHLIGHT:
Many are watching which way Charlie
Rangel goes on China PNTR.
BODY:
Where's Charlie? That has been the question on many minds in the
Capitol's hallways and the White House war room during the final,
intensive maneuvering over President Clinton's request to
permanently
normalize trade relations with China.
Rep. Charles
B. Rangel, normally a resolute New Yorker,
has been uncharacteristically
indecisive in the China debate. His
public wavering has drawn attention
because he is the senior
Democrat on the House Ways and Means Committee, a
traditionally
pro-trade panel that has primary jurisdiction over the issue.
Rangel has usually supported the annual granting of trade
privileges to
China. But he has voted against several major
international trade deals,
including the North American Free
Trade Agreement in 1993. On China
PNTR, Rangel may well be the
single most-important
undecided member.
"Everyone is intrigued" about
Rangel, chuckled Rep. Steny
H. Hoyer, D-Md., who announced on May 2 that he
would support
granting PNTR to China. An equally perplexed
Clinton
Administration official said of Rangel, "No one can figure him
out."
Rangel is in an uncomfortable spot as the
House prepares
for its currently too-close-to-call PNTR
vote scheduled for the
week of May 22. Pulling on him in one direction are
the top House
Democrats-Minority Leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri and
Minority Whip David E. Bonior of Michigan-who oppose PNTR.
Pulling in the other direction is Clinton, who has spent
considerable
time one-on-one with Rangel to try to win his vote,
and reportedly has been
tough in dealing with him.
Rangel feels the
pressure. He modestly suggests that his
divided Democratic colleagues should
not look to him for
guidance. But he acknowledged in a May 10 interview that
some
lawmakers do-particularly those from New York, from Ways and
Means,
and from the Congressional Black Caucus, of which Rangel
is a member.
Rangel said that Gephardt "is not asking me to vote
either way," although House Democratic leadership aides said
matter-of-factly that they expect Rangel to vote in favor of
China
PNTR. "It's a little more awkward in talking about this,
since Dick Gephardt and David Bonior have made a decision (to
oppose
PNTR)," said Rangel. "Everyone knows their titles, even
though they say that's not a factor."
When he
speaks about the President's lobbying efforts,
Rangel wears a frown. He said
the four conversations he has had
with Clinton have been "more than enough."
Rangel added: "I don't
want to belittle his influence. But I don't need the
Administration to interpret the agreement" that would allow China
to
enter the World Trade Organization.
In Rangel's
view, however, Vice President Al Gore could
do considerably more
arm-twisting on behalf of China PNTR. "The
Vice President
needs to be more articulate, outspoken, and
convincing," Rangel said.
"Anyone can repeat the arguments."
House Democratic sources said Gore has
not spoken with Rangel.
But the White House has claimed the Vice President
has become
more active in lobbying members behind the scenes, and at least
one White House official said Gore has spoken with Rangel.
Several factors make it crucial that Rangel give his
decision
and soon, according to well-placed sources. For one
thing, his rhetorical
skills-demonstrated of late by his
provocative soundbites on the New York
Senate race and the
handling of the Elian Gonzalez case-would come in handy
in the
China debate. More important, a firm public commitment from
Rangel on PNTR would be helpful to more-junior members who
have
been looking for political cover.
Rangel's
choice will offer an important clue to how
Democrats would run the House if
they regain control in the
November election. Some congressional insiders
say that if
Rangel, as the Democratic leader on Ways and Means, continues to
refuse to move out front on the PNTR issue, the committee's
future overall influence will be weakened. These insiders wonder
whether
Rangel would cede control to a prospective Speaker
Gephardt, a longtime
critic of business-as-usual on trade issues.
The
business community and organized labor, which are
forcefully at odds in the
PNTR debate, are watching Rangel
closely. Democrats this
election year have had fund-raising
success playing to both of these groups.
"The business community
needs to see him grow into the job now," said a
well-placed
Democrat who favors China PNTR. "They would be
very concerned in
the election if the (prospective) Ways and Means chairman
is
opposed."
Meanwhile, some
PNTR supporters had hoped that the
House's overwhelming
approval on May 4 of legislation, long
sought by Rangel, to reduce trade
barriers with Africa would make
him more disposed to the China proposal. But
Rangel said he has
not connected the two issues. For that matter, Rangel
added that
the effort to link human rights conditions and other provisos on
Chinese behavior to PNTR will not have a conclusive impact
on his
final vote.
"Nothing can be put on the
table that can influence me,"
declared Rangel, a 15-term member who is
electorally secure in
his Harlem district.
House
Republicans have made no secret of their desire to
use the China debate to
exploit divisions in the Democratic
Party. They can look upon Rangel's
current angst with glee. But
in the longer run, Rangel's experience during
this debate may
prove useful in helping him manage competing pressures.
LOAD-DATE: May 15, 2000 
