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CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS BUDGET -- (House of Representatives - March 22, 2000)

We want to, point two, take the necessary actions to achieve intervention in the Diallo case by the Justice Department and the prosecution of the four police defendants for the violation of the civil rights of Amadou Diallo. Four policemen have already been found innocent of anything, including reckless endangerment or negligent homicide, nothing, totally innocent, just as the people who beat up Rodney King in California were found innocent. Despite the fact that you had a videotape of them surrounding him and beating him, they still found the perpetrators innocent. The Federal Government had to go in and try those same people on a charge of violation of civil rights of Rodney King. We have asked and we are pressing hard to get the Justice Department to try the people who killed Amadou Diallo on the basis of the violation of the civil rights of Amadou Diallo, a victim of police profiling. Nowhere in the history of New York City have you had a person standing on his front porch shot down by the police. Only racial profiling gone mad and seeing any black as a threat could have conjured up an image of Amadou Diallo as being a danger to society or to the four policemen who

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shot him in self-defense, they say, because they thought he was reaching for a gun when he pulled out his wallet. Probably, being a foreigner, he knows the first thing you do when you are confronted by the law is show your papers, show your papers and identify yourself. We think that we have a good case and that the Justice Department will move, we hope, to prosecute these defendants for the violation of Amadou Diallo's civil rights. We are trying to tell our constituents that this is a society where ultimately there is justice for all. If you cannot get justice for all at the city level or the State level, then there is finally the Federal Government which will guarantee that there will be justice for all.

   Our third point here is an appeal to the United Nations to secure an objective review of the violations of minority human rights in the United States as evidenced by the following. Violations of minority rights in the United States are out of control. Too many people in high places are not excited about the fact that they are out of control. Why? Because, one, there is a national pattern, a national pattern of systemic police brutality with recurring unjustified homicides. Two, death penalty laws which result in a disproportionate number of minorities executed, a disproportionate number of minorities executed and a high probability of innocent victims on death row. I gave you the case of Illinois where the death row inmates who were innocent were fortunate enough to have a local university project conduct an exercise using the latest detective techniques including DNA, and they found 12 of 25 of the people on death row to be innocent. The next point, widespread officially sanctioned racial profiling. The next point, exposures of massive long-term corruption and illegal arrests in police departments. The next point of great racial disparity in sentencing. Great racial disparity. We have several studies which show that a black person and a white person accused of the same crime going through the same similar investigative procedure standing before a judge, the racial minority will get a tougher sentence, a higher sentence. Disparity in sentencing. Finally, the imprisonment of 2 million persons, most of whom are poor and members of minority groups. In the United States there are now about 2 million people in prison. Prisons have become a major industry. You can invest in prisons. If you invest in prisons, they do not pay off unless you have inmates. You are paid according to the number of inmates. There is something grossly unjust about this kind of system. There is something grossly unjust about so many people in prison. The highest number now of any of the industrialized nations are imprisoned in the United States of America. Almost half of them are imprisoned for nonviolent offenses related to drugs. There is something wrong with the system. We complain on the floor of this House, we have many bills which have made matters worse sponsored by the Republican majority. We complain. Nothing happens. An appeal to the United Nations may be where we have to go in order to get some attention focused on these gross abuses.

   Finally, in this Declaration Against Surrender, we the undersigned leaders of the caring majority pledge to sponsor periodic ``Weeks of Outrage'' with citywide nonviolent actions including civil disobedience. Such Weeks of Outrage will be periodically sponsored until our just demands are met. Going back to point one, the demands we ask to be negotiated, we will not sit still and let those demands be treated with contempt nor ignored. We intend to have Weeks of Outrage starting with an April Week of Outrage which is in the process of being planned. There is a call for an April Week of Caring Majority Nonviolent Outrage.

   The Declaration Against Surrender continues by saying that in the last 40 years, more than 50 outrageous killings of New York citizens by the police have gone unpunished, from the children, Clifford Glover and Randolph Evans, to grandmother Eleanor Bumpers, mental patient Gideon Bush, and immigrant Amadou Diallo, the callous actions of individual policemen have been supported and excused by a collaborating judicial system, by the establishment press and media, by the power brokers and the permanent governors of New York City. We declare that the caring majority of New York City will no longer surrender to these gross injustices.

   Mr. Speaker, I submit the statement related to the Declaration Against Surrender for the RECORD.

   Declaration Against Surrender

   We, the undersigned Leaders of the ``Caring Majority'' pledge to unite in solidarity against continuing oppression by the extremist law enforcement establishment and the collaborating criminal justice system. With unrelenting fervor we pledge to provide continuous leadership for the following actions and activities:

   Negotiations to achieve the ten demands for police and criminal justice reform set forth on March 27, 1999.

   Necessary actions to achieve intervention in the Diallo case by the U.S. Justice Department and the prosecution of the four police defendants for the violation of the Civil Rights of Amadou Diallo.

   An Appeal to the United Nations to secure an objective review of the violations of minority human rights in the United States as evidenced by: a national pattern of systemic police brutality with recurring unjustified homicides; death penalty laws which result in a disproportionate number of minorities executed and a high probability of innocent victims on death row; widespread officially sanctioned racial profiling; exposures of massive long-term corruption and illegal arrests in police departments; a great racial disparity in sentencing; the imprisonment of two million persons most of whom are poor and members of the minority groups.

   Sponsorship of periodic ``Weeks of Outrage'' with citywide nonviolent actions including civil disobedience. Such ``Weeks of Outrage'' will be periodically sponsored until our just demands are met.

   We, the undersigned Leaders of the ``Caring Majority'' invite all citizens everywhere who deem themselves as members of the ``Caring Majority'' to unite with us in the ``Declaration Against Surrender''.

   Submitted by Congressman Major Owens and Approved by the Brooklyn African American Clergy & Elected Officials (March 3, 2000).

   10-Point Plan on Misconduct and Brutality

   FOLLOWING ARE THE PROPOSALS ISSUED BY A BROAD COALITION OF POLITICAL LEADERS AND COMMUNITY ORGANIZERS IN RESPONSE TO THE SHOOTING OF AMADOU DIALLO: MARCH 27, 1999

   1. Mayor Giuliani must immediately implement the recommendations of the Mollen Commission, especially the call to establish an independent investigative body with full subpoena power that has jurisdiction over police corruption and brutality in New York City. Twice, the City Council has passed legislation creating a body to monitor corruption, but the Mayor has done everything in his power to block its implementation--first by veto and then, when the Council overrode his veto, by tying the matter up in court. The Mayor must also implement the recommendations (from both the majority and dissenting reports) of his own Task Force, that he appointed in 1997 in the wake of the shocking Abner Louima incident.

   2. The Civilian Complaint Review Board must be immediately reconstituted, strengthened and fully funded so that it can effectively investigate civilian complaints of police misconduct.

   3. The State Legislature must pass legislation creating a permanent special prosecutor for police brutality and corruption in New York. In conjunction with this, the State Attorney General must create a special unit on police misconduct and should issue an annual report documenting instances of misconduct throughout the state.

   4. The Police Department must develop a comprehensive training program, developed in consultation with outside experts, to school its officers in racial and cultural sensitivity and must also implement a rigorous process of in-depth psychological screening of its recruits and officer.

   5. The New York Police Department should reflect the makeup of the citizen population it serves--N.Y.C. police officers should live in New York City. The State Legislature must immediately pass a law mandating residency for city officers.

   6. The Police Commissioner must also take specific and immediate steps to recruit more minorities and women to serve as police officers and develop a plan to increase promotion opportunities for women and minority officers.

   7. The salary and benefits for police officers must be improved. Law enforcement officers are entrusted with extraordinary responsibility and they should be compensated accordingly.

   8. The Police Department's ``48-hour'' rule, which delays the ability of N.Y.P.D. investigators to question police officers charged violations of N.Y.P.D. rules and regulations, must be eliminated.

   9. The weapons, ammunition and tactics used by the department must be assessed and periodically reviewed, not only to measure effectiveness, but to protect the safety of innocent New Yorkers. The use of hollow point bullets should be discontinued immediately.

   10. Congress must call on the Justice Department to honor its commitment to monitor and issue annual reports documenting instances of police misconduct throughout the country. This promise was made in the wake of the Rodney King incident and has yet to be acted upon.

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Demands Cited in the Major Owens Declaration Against Surrender

   Declaration Against Surrender--Congressman Major Owens

Call for an April Week of Caring Majority Non-Violent Outrage

   THE DECLARATION AGAINST SURRENDER

   In the last forty years more than fifty outrageous killings of New York citizens by the police have gone unpunished. From the children, Clifford Glover and Randolph Evans, to grandmother Eleanor Bumpers, mental patient Gideon Bush, and immigrant Amadou Diallo, the callous actions of individual policemen have been supported and excused by a collaborating judicial system; by the establishment press and media; by the power brokers and the permanent governors of NYC. We declare that the Caring Majority of NYC will no longer surrender to these gross injustices.

   THE TARGETS AND THE GOALS

   --The Caring Majority Must Be Empowered To Realize How Strong They Are

   --City Hall Must be Made To Understand The Ultimate Power Of The Caring Majority

   --The Police And The Power Brokers Must Be Made To Understand The Limitations Of Their Control

   --Reasonable Demands Must Receive A Respectful Response, Serious Negotiations And Meaningful Legislation Action

   Our primary goal is to provide leadership for the following:

   Negotiations to achieve the ten demands for police and criminal justice reform set forth on March 27, 1999.

   Necessary actions to achieve intervention in the Diallo case by the U.S. Justice Department and the prosecution of the four police defendants for the violation of the Civil Rights of Amadou Diallo.

   An Appeal to the United Nations to secure an objective review of the violations of minority human rights in the United States as evidenced by: a national pattern of systemic police brutality with recurring unjustified homicides; death penalty laws which result in a disproportionate number of minorities executed and a high probability of innocent victims on death row; widespread officially sanctioned racial profiling; exposures of massive long-term corruption and illegal arrests in police departments; a great racial disparity in sentencing; the imprisonment of two million persons most of whom are poor and members of minority groups.

   Sponsorship of periodic ``Weeks of Outrage'' with citywide nonviolent actions including civil disobedience. Such ``Weeks of Outrage'' will be periodically sponsored until our just demands are met.

   The list of the ten demands set forth on March 27, 1999 are attached at the end of this Call Statement.

   STRATEGY AND TACTICS

   Using non-violent principles and techniques the purpose and mission of the ``Week Of Outrage'' is to provide every outraged citizen with an opportunity to publicly express that outrage and bear witness to the fact that the ``Caring Majority'' of New York City will not surrender to the oppression of the police establishment and the collaborating criminal justice system.

   For each of five days in all five boroughs Action Groups shall simultaneously assemble at several strategically selected protest sites within each borough for a citywide total of no less than fifteen sites. The non-violent soldiers at each site shall rally, march, conduct civil disobedience or engage in any other pre-planned non-violent activity. The absolute necessity is that citywide actions take place simultaneously in order to demonstrate the lack of capacity of the police to control citizens who are righteously indignant and organized. New York City belongs to the people and each day's coordinated mass actions will deliver the message of this forgotten truth.

   In order to maximize citizen participation and conserve resources the primary strategy for the assembled Action Groups shall be to march through key streets and intersections in ways that take command of the thoroughfares and public places. Civil disobedience with pre-planned arrests shall be carefully targeted. Most of each operation will be merely the assertion of the right to assemble--and for this activity no one can be arrested.

   The decision-making structure for the ``Week Of Outrage'' shall be lean, decentralized and flexible. There shall be an overall ``Caring Majority'' citywide Coordinating Committee and each borough shall have a Borough Coordinating Committee. Each Action Groups must choose its own Captains and Marshals. Action Group must have representation at all planning sessions and must accept a set of Caring Majority Non-Violent Principles and Procedures; however, approval of specific and detailed action plans will not be mandated.

   The Week Of Outrage War Plan

   To drive home the self-evident truth that the City belongs to the people and that the police and the power brokers can only operate with ``the consent of the governed'', five days of coordinated citywide actions are necessary.

   On Sunday prior to the first day of activity Meditation and Evaluation Rallies will be held in each borough to finalize the week's master-plan.

   On Monday the important first day of action must be launched on a test scale in order to pinpoint problems and weaknesses.

   On Tuesday an attempt will be made to raise the level of activity and to maximize the repetition of the most effective actions.

   On Wednesday the peak of participation will be reached.

   On Thursday and Friday variations and innovations in activity will be maximized.

   The Daily Outrage Action Schedule

   In accordance with the Daily Outrage Action Plan that has been agreed on during a Meditation and Evaluation Rally on the night before, Action Groups must assemble each morning at the designated protest sites. At the designated sites actions must begin simultaneously throughout New York City.

   Morning Actions must be conducted in ways that maximize participation by local residents. In selected neighborhoods within each borough, demonstrators must assemble without notifying the police in advance.

   Transitional Activities must move the masses to a designated citywide central protest site in Manhattan. This means that local morning actions should end by 1 P.M. in time for the citywide high visibility action of the day to begin by 3 P.M.

   Afternoon Action will be conducted at a designated site of high visibility and great traffic vulnerability in the heart of the City. Without engaging in civil disobedience the number of participants must be great enough to stop the business-as-usual activities of the business community.

   Evening Meditation and Evaluation Rallies shall be conducted in each borough. A review of strengths and weaknesses must take place and clear directions be given for the next day's Outrage Action Schedule.

   THE WEAPONS AND RESOURCES

   A non-violent crusade must be an organized mobilization which understands how to best utilize its weapons and resources:

   Mobile Cell Phones must be available in large numbers to maximize communication at all times. A set of vital numbers will be compiled.

   Cameras of all kinds must be recruited to record incidents, especially the actions of the police. Each Action Group must have a Camera Unit responsible for coverage of the action from the periphery out of the reach of possible confiscation by the police.

   Bull Horns must be spread through each large group.

   Marshalls and Captains must be thoroughly trained to keep order, and to contain and isolate the agents of sabotage.

   A Legal Unit with at least one law student or paralegal must be attached to each Action Group.

   An Emergency Unit with at least one person capable of administering first aid must be a part of each Action Group.

   THE CEASE FIRE AND EVALUATION

   At the end of the ``Week Of Outrage'' a cease fire will be called for an indefinite period of time while the following factors are evaluated:

   --Has the pressure of the week's actions forced the Mayor, the Governor and the other significant power brokers to respond to the stated demands?


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