Copyright 1999 Journal Sentinel Inc.
Milwaukee
Journal Sentinel
October 10, 1999, Sunday Final
SECTION: News Pg. 3 Eugene Kane
LENGTH: 1259 words
HEADLINE:
Opening a new prison is cause for tears, not cheers
BYLINE: EUGENE KANE
BODY:
"Beginning with a prison population of just under 200,000 in 1972, the
number of inmates in U.S. prisons has increased by nearly one million, rising to
almost 1.2 million by 1997.
"Along with the more than half-million
inmates in local jails either awaiting trial or serving short sentences, a
remarkable total of 1.7 million Americans are now behind bars." -- "Race to
Incarcerate" by Marc Mauer (1999).
When they threw an open house for the
new maximum-security prison in Boscobel a month ago, it was like a county fair
came to town.
There were public tours of the facility, T-shirts with the
prison's name sold as souvenirs, an almost carnival atmosphere as the rural
Wisconsin community celebrated the arrival of a valued new neighbor. It was just
one indication of the way some folks feel about prisons. Good places to have
around, and a nice way to make money.
Marc Mauer doesn't see it that
way. He regards prisons as vastly overrated ways to curb crime as well as
ineffective repositories for vast numbers of minorities who probably wouldn't be
behind bars if not for the color of their skin.
But Mauer, author of a
new book about America's fascination with prisons, does understand why prisons
are popular.
"This society has come to use incarceration as a method of
dealing with social problems instead of meeting the problems head-on in a
proactive fashion," said Mauer, assistant director of The Sentencing Project in
Washington, D.C., and author of "Race to Incarcerate" from The New Press.
For 25 years, Mauer has led a movement to rethink U.S. incarceration
policy, which he believes is basically nothing but the warehousing of large
numbers of non-violent offenders, many of them poor minorities convicted of drug
charges and other crimes tied to either poverty or addiction.
What he
calls "America's great experiment in incarceration" has had a devastating effect
on African-American and Latino communities by stealing away young males who
represent future leaders, husbands and fathers and keeping them locked up
through most of their prime years.
In many states (not Wisconsin),
convicted felons lose the right to vote, which further depletes the political
power of some minority communities. ("Ex-felons" in Wisconsin lose the right to
vote while on probation and parole.)
Mauer understands that few people
have much sympathy for inmates, and he doesn't argue about the need for
punishment. "The vast majority of prisoners deserve to be punished; individual
actions need to have consequences," Mauer said.
"But there has been an
'out of balance' response to the crime problem. The question that needs to be
answered as a community, whether we want to take $1 million to build a prison,
or use it for drug-treatment problems, good schools, Head Start programs.
"It's about whether we want to spend more money on the front end instead
of the back end."
In his role as assistant director of The Sentencing
Project, a non-profit group that promotes
reform of the criminal
justice system, Mauer's research discovered some revealing facts, most
of which he included in "Race to Incarcerate."
He found the much
ballyhooed "war on drugs" during the last two decades to be an expensive sham
that did nothing to stop the flow of drugs, mainly imprisoning lower-level
dealers in poor black and Latino neighborhoods even though many studies show
approximately 70% of all illegal drugs are used by whites.
He examined
the enormous racial disparity within the criminal justice system, demonstrated
by a troubling statistic: An astounding 29% of black males born today can expect
to be imprisoned at some time in their lifetime.
In many cases, their
crimes will be no more serious than that of white counterparts who live in the
suburbs, but law enforcement simply doesn't target young white males for arrest
and prosecution.
He questioned why a rich and powerful nation like the
U.S. rushed to imprison non-violent offenders at great cost instead of opting to
fund needed drug treatment programs or create the kind of social institutions
that could prevent many potential criminals from turning to crime in the first
place.
Mauer understands prisons represent a financial windfall for
communities, but he's more concerned with the growing trend by some states such
as Wisconsin to ship inmates out of state to privately run prisons.
In
"Race to Incarcerate," Mauer writes of receiving a phone call from someone
asking for research assistance.
"My caller wanted to know how many
inmates were in the prison systems of a number of different nations in order to
determine the total size of the 'market.'
"The caller turned out to be a
researcher for an investment firm, and the 'market' represented the potential
for global investment and expansion of privately built and operated prisons."
In an interview last week at his D.C. office, Mauer expanded on the main
ideas in "Race to Incarcerate."
"What I'm asking, what is the size of
the group that truly needs to be locked up for the rest of us to feel safe?
Because nobody fools themselves into thinking prisons rehabilitate anyone. Even
among the most hard-line critics, you don't find anyone with a lot of faith that
prison is going to turn anyone around for the better."
He calls for a
reconsideration of drug policies that disproportionately target poor minorities
for the kind of violations commonly found in the suburbs.
"If one of my
kids (two teenage boys) had a drug problem, I wouldn't call the police or a
prison warden to help him. I would find the best treatment possible, and if it
didn't work, I'd find another one. That's the way it's done in the suburbs."
Low-income people with drug problems often have trouble finding suitable
drug treatment facilities, Mauer said. "Many times, they can't get the help
before their drug problem turns into a crime problem."
Mauer finds many
of the measures adopted by politicians, such as "truth in sentencing" and "three
strikes and you're out" legislation, politically safe ways to appease voters,
but with little actual effect on reducing crime.
Voters would support
finding more alternatives to incarceration, if presented with facts. "People are
more receptive than politicians think," he said.
Having interviewed
Mauer for stories in the past, I've always been impressed how this white
criminal justice expert never hesitates to acknowledge the racial component of
the way this country locks up people convicted of crime.
Negative
stereotypes that plague blacks and Latinos will never be eliminated as long as
white Americans can point to the prison population as confirmation of long-held
beliefs that minorities commit more crimes than anyone else.
Mauer --
and I -- take an opposite view. As long as this country keeps building and
making money off prisons, more and more black and brown prisoners will be
sentenced to fill them up.
Supply and demand, if you will.
"Since 1980, no policy has contributed more to the incarceration of
African-Americans than the 'war on drugs,' " Mauer wrote in "Race to
Incarcerate." "To say this is not to deny the reality of drug abuse and the toll
it has taken on African-American and other communities; but as a national
policy, the drug war has exacerbated racial disparities in incarceration while
failing to have any sustained impact on the drug problem."
When you
consider what he's saying, what becomes clear is the opening of a new prison --
anywhere -- shouldn't be an excuse to hold a party.
LOAD-DATE: October 11, 1999