08-12-2000

POLITICS: Lieberman: Pros and Cons

One truism in the quadrennial campaign for the White House is that a
party's vice presidential nominee matters only on the margins. But by
selecting Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman, D-Conn., to be his running mate and
the first Jewish candidate on a major national ticket, Vice President Al
Gore seems intent on turning that truism on its head.


Gore is looking to Lieberman for help on multiple fronts, but especially
to provide inoculation against the Republicans' repeated efforts to tie
him to President Clinton. In choosing Lieberman, the first prominent
Democrat to harshly denounce Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky, Gore
hopes to demonstrate his independence from the President's
scandals.


Lieberman, 58, also brings to the Democratic ticket attributes that the
Vice President lacks. Gore, for instance, is often viewed as favoring a
slash-and-burn partisan style, while Lieberman wins praise for reaching
across party lines. During a March interview with National Journal,
Lieberman complained of the Senate's increasingly partisan atmosphere and
said he occasionally sees the need "to break away" from his
party to work with "like-minded" Republicans. These traits
lessen George W. Bush's ability to argue that only the GOP ticket can
forge a new spirit of cooperation in Washington.


But Lieberman's centrist approach, especially on some hot-button issues,
has downsides. His support for free trade, for experimenting with school
vouchers, and, at least in the past, for partial privatization of Social
Security won't help shore up support from organized labor or other
traditional Democratic constituencies. And some colleagues see him as a
bit sanctimonious. His cerebral style injects little passion into a ticket
led by the charismatically challenged Gore, although the boldness of the
choice may offset that liability. A rundown of Lieberman's pros and cons
follows.


THE POSITIVES


Moral Standing


In 1998, when Evan Bayh, then Indiana's governor, was campaigning for a
Senate seat, he was asked whom in that chamber he would most like to
emulate. Without missing a beat, the youthful Democrat answered,
"Joseph Lieberman." "He has ultimate respect for Senator
Lieberman," said Mary Meagher, Bayh's press secretary.


That sentiment is widely shared on Capitol Hill, where the moniker
"conscience of the Senate" invariably is attached to Lieberman.
"He is viewed as perhaps the Senate's most virtuous man," said
Marshall Wittman, the director of congressional relations at the Heritage
Foundation. "He transcends partisanship and ideology in a way that no
other Senator can match."


Sen. John Edwards, D-N.C., who was on Gore's very short list of potential
running mates along with Lieberman and has regularly joined the
Connecticut lawmaker in prayer breakfasts, likewise praised him effusively
using phrases such as "great integrity" and "very
moral."


Lieberman, the first Orthodox Jew to serve in the Senate, has injected a
moral tone into a variety of legislative debates. He sharply limits his
activities on the Sabbath, and don't expect to see him on the stump during
the Jewish holy days this fall-just as the campaign reaches a critical
stage.


Distancing From Clinton


Because he is a close ally of Clinton's, Lieberman's decision to go to the
floor of the Senate on Sept. 3, 1998, to harshly condemn the President for
his relationship with Lewinsky took on added weight. He gave the speech
despite reported pleas from some White House officials to await Clinton's
return from an overseas trip.


Lieberman said that the President's behavior was "not just
inappropriate, it is immoral." Much to the dismay of the White House,
he did not stop there. He called for "some measure of public rebuke
and accountability." Lieberman set the tone for other Democrats,
including Sens. Bob Kerrey of Nebraska and Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New
York, who immediately followed Lieberman on the floor.


"He just felt the need not to put cosmetics on it," said Ross
Baker, a political science professor at Rutgers University. "I'm sure
that Gore's choice of Lieberman has caused a great deal of tooth-gnashing
in the White House, but it gives the Vice President extraordinarily good
cover and tends to obscure some of the more unlovely features of the
Clinton Administration."


Lieberman ultimately voted to acquit Clinton. By condemning the
President's actions but not calling for his removal or resignation,
Lieberman "actually helped to defuse the tension," said a Senate
Democratic leadership aide. Nevertheless, Republican political ads this
fall may use television clips from Lieberman's speech to contrast his
rebuke with Gore's statement on the day that Clinton was impeached that he
was a "great" President.


Centrist


As chairman of the Democratic Leadership Council, a group whose priorities
often clash with organized labor's, Lieberman has pushed the centrist
agenda that Gore argues has provided the country with unprecedented
prosperity. Lieberman also played a prominent role in the formation, about
eight months ago, of the Senate New Democrat Coalition, a group of a dozen
members who are unhappy that gridlock is preventing much from getting done
in Congress.


Lieberman and other Senate centrists raised eyebrows in March, when their
proposed plan to overhaul the Elementary and Secondary Education Act
conflicted with the bill developed by liberal Senate Democratic veterans.
The centrist bill, by calling for consolidation of various school
programs, looked somewhat similar to the Republicans' proposal. But
Lieberman was unapologetic in taking aim at Democratic orthodoxy, even on
a potent issue such as education. Although the centrist proposal was shot
down, it left bruised feelings among some Democratic stalwarts.


The episode is a prime example of Lieberman's willingness to pursue an
independent course and work with Republicans, as he has done on the school
voucher and Social Security issues. Gore, however, might not always
welcome that sort of independence from his Vice President.


Reformer


Lieberman has not been as visible a proponent of campaign finance reform
as have such colleagues as Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz. But Matt Keller,
deputy legislative director at Common Cause, puts Lieberman in the same
category. Keller credits Lieberman for the recently signed law requiring
more disclosure by secretive "527 groups." "Without Joe
Lieberman, that would not have happened," Keller said.


At the same time, Lieberman has amassed $91,150 in political action
committee and individual contributions from the pharmaceutical drug
industry, the third-highest total in the Senate this election cycle,
according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Also, insurance interests
have showered him with nearly $200,000-more than they have given to anyone
else in the Senate. Those contributions may complicate Gore's effort to
tie Bush and Republicans to the pharmaceutical and insurance
industries.


Lieberman, who served as Connecticut's attorney general before his
election to the Senate in 1988, also backs tort reform-a position that
puts him at odds with trial lawyers, a key source of campaign funding for
Clinton and Gore.


Lieberman is a reformer in the defense arena, too. He embraces the idea
that the smart bombs, cruise missiles, spy satellites, and stealth
aircraft that defeated Iraq and Serbia may merely be the crude first wave
of a new way of war. Lieberman told National Journal last fall that the
Information Age could change combat as fundamentally as "the railroad
... airplanes ... [or even] gunpowder." He has pushed the military to
wean itself from comfortable Cold War concepts, despite foot-dragging by
the Pentagon bureaucracy, pork-barrel-minded lawmakers, and indifferent
Clinton Administration officials.


Smart and Ambitious


Lieberman has clearly set a political path for himself, and he's been
successful nearly every step of the way. As a Yale undergraduate, he wrote
his thesis on John Bailey, who was Connecticut's Democratic Party chairman
for 28 years and served as a senior political adviser to John F. Kennedy
before and during his presidency.


"Joe was always serious and scholarly," said Bailey's daughter,
Barbara B. Kennelly, who served 17 years in the House. "He was
thorough and factual." Lieberman later wrote that he selected Bailey
as his topic because he already had decided that state politics would be
his profession. His thesis eventually became a book, The Power
Broker.


In the Senate, Lieberman is known as hardworking and has attracted a loyal
staff, but he has no memorable major legislative legacies to his name. He
has tended to select causes that offered the prospect of attracting a wide
audience. "He picks his issues to look like he's a good guy,"
said a former Senate aide. Another Democratic ex-staffer said that
Lieberman's "goody-goody" approach to issues reinforces Gore's
style.


As he has successfully moved up the political ladder, Lieberman has
encountered some tough campaigns. Few political insiders in Washington or
at home initially gave him much of a chance in his 1988 challenge to GOP
Sen. Lowell P. Weicker.


Media-Savvy


As soon as the news of Lieberman's selection hit the wires, talk-show host
Don Imus quickly claimed credit for creating the Senator-all in good fun,
of course. Lieberman has been a frequent guest on Imus' show, which is
broadcast on radio stations around the country and on MSNBC. The Senator's
humor and wit are readily apparent as he trades quips with the irascible
host.


Lieberman's ability to hold his own in that irreverent setting might just
make him a good antidote to Gore's stiff persona, though he has to be
careful not to upstage the top of the ticket. And what is the secret to
his success? "His style is kind of understated-so he doesn't seem to
be obviously playing for the cameras, although the cameras do like
him," said Ross Baker.


Lieberman's penchant for the spotlight has prompted some eye-rolling in
the Senate over the years, but most of his colleagues share the same
characteristic. On the many occasions that he has teamed with Republicans,
Lieberman has not alerted Democratic leaders, said one Senate watcher.
"He's out for himself, both on issues and projects," said
another.


Family Values


Gore's selection of Lieberman, a frequent critic of sex and violence in
Hollywood fare, pleased interest groups fighting such programming and may
resonate with family-values-minded voters. "Senator Lieberman and
others have taken the lead on that, and this is a sign that Vice President
Gore is coming along," said Mark Honig, executive director of the
Parents Television Council. "What happens in Hollywood has a great
impact on society."


But Jack Valenti, the president of the Motion Picture Association of
America, said he views Lieberman's selection with "mixed
emotions," adding: "Joe Lieberman is a friend of mine. He and I
have disagreed fervently. I think the movie industry has acted very
responsibly. He and I just don't come to the same
conclusions."


At the same time, the Human Rights Campaign, the nation's largest gay and
lesbian political group, praised Lieberman. Winnie Stachelberg, the
group's political director, said the Senator's voting history
"reflects a growing understanding of our issues."


THE NEGATIVES


May Alienate the Base


Lieberman, in the words of a key Senate Democratic aide, has "voiced
a willingness to look for a `Third Way' " to solve problems, even
when that occasionally makes some traditional Democrats livid. But this
aide said that Democrats are making an effort to "reach out" to
any groups that might be disappointed with his selection.


Lieberman's most prominent split with the party is his support for school
vouchers. Already, however, Lieberman's stance on this issue is being
papered over: Teachers' unions in recent days have praised his
selection.


"He has supported private-school vouchers. We are confident that the
position of this campaign is not to support private-school vouchers,"
said Becky Fleischauer, a spokeswoman for the National Education
Association. Janet Bass, a spokeswoman for the American Federation of
Teachers, agreed: "We have confidence that this ticket is right for
America and America's kids. I think teachers will look at the whole
ticket."


Even the liberal Americans for Democratic Action praised Gore's choice.
"It was a stroke of genius," said Darryl Fagin, the group's
legislative director. "We're not disappointed because we believe that
whomever the Vice President would have chosen ... is always going to be
head and shoulders above" the Republican ticket.


But one wild-card group among the traditional Democratic base is organized
labor. With both Gore and Lieberman taking a free-trade stance, the
question remains how much labor will mobilize its massive forces on their
behalf this November. Lieberman's centrist voting record also does little
to energize African-Americans.


Not Charismatic


Although Lieberman's speech on the day his selection was announced drew a
good response from Nashville supporters, he is not exactly known as a
dynamic or charismatic speaker-an area where Gore, too, is lacking.
Lieberman is "very ambitious, and he likes good press coverage,"
said a veteran Senate Democratic aide. "But he can't give a speech to
save his life."


Ironically, Lieberman's Senate speech in September 1998 blasting the
Clinton-Lewinsky affair won wide public attention partly because he read
it in a subdued, deliberate tone. Clinton loyalists at the time scoffed at
Lieberman as politically calculating, but his cool approach helped to
focus Senate Democrats on finding a common course to rescue Clinton's
presidency.


The Gore campaign insists that Lieberman's speaking style will be
effective on the presidential campaign trail. "He is not a
fire-and-brimstone, get-the-crowd-on-its-feet kind of speaker," said
Democratic pollster Mark S. Mellman. "But he is incredibly warm and
personable and attractive to people."


No Help on the Electoral Map


As Bush did two weeks earlier in selecting Dick Cheney as his running
mate, Gore apparently tapped Lieberman to reinforce general points about
his presidential candidacy rather than to assist with specific states in
the Electoral College. Not only is Lieberman largely unknown outside of
Connecticut-where Gore already was the likely winner in November-but he
brings no obvious constituency into the Gore fold. The Clinton-Gore ticket
received more than 80 percent of the Jewish vote in 1996.


In the battleground states of the Midwest, Lieberman's free-trade views
and DLC chairmanship appear to offer little help in securing the party's
working-class base. Still, a recently departed Clinton Administration
sub-Cabinet official contended that Lieberman could energize political and
fund-raising activity by urban progressives, who have shown "a lot of
apathy" toward Gore.


Senate Seat at Risk


The Veep pick could have adverse consequences for Senate Democrats.
Lieberman is up for re-election to his Senate seat in November and is
currently considered a shoo-in against Waterbury Mayor Philip Giordano,
his GOP challenger. However, Lieberman has not yet said whether he'll seek
the Senate slot while also running on the national ticket. If Lieberman
wins re-election and becomes Vice President, his resignation from the
Senate would allow Republican Gov. John Rowland to appoint a GOP successor
to serve until a special election is held in 2002.


At the same time, if Connecticut Democrats are confident that the
Gore-Lieberman ticket will win in November and that another Democrat could
hold the Senate seat, Lieberman could abandon his Senate candidacy, and
party leaders could tap a nominee to seek a full term this
November.


With Senate Democrats more bullish lately about their prospects of gaining
the majority in November, every seat is vital. Indeed, Senate Minority
Leader Thomas A. Daschle, D-S.D., urged Gore last month not to pick a
running mate who would jeopardize the Democrats' prospects for taking
Senate control.


THE BIG UNKNOWN


Religion


The electoral impact of Lieberman's religion remains an unknown. Lieberman
could motivate Jewish voters and help congressional candidates in such
states as New York, where Hillary Rodham Clinton is locked in a tight
Senate race. "The most encouraging aspect of this event is that in
terms of cool political calculation, it has been decided that Senator
Lieberman's obvious Jewishness does not detract from the strength he
brings to the national ticket," said American Jewish Congress
President Jack Rosen.


Ironically, evangelical Christians also might warm to Lieberman. They can
appreciate someone who is an observant member of his faith, and they can
relate to Lieberman, said Richard Cizik, the Washington director of the
National Association of Evangelicals.


Arab groups, as might be expected, are concerned about Lieberman's
religion. "This selection does not encourage us that a Gore
Administration would be able to play a more even-handed role in any peace
negotiations," said Hussein Ibish, communications director for the
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee.


The choice probably won't have much impact among groups known for their
antisemitism, since they would be unlikely to support the ticket anyway.
Thomas Robb, the national director of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan,
said Lieberman's choice has little effect, because in the KKK's view, both
mainstream parties are so far off course.


But Mike Hallimore, the director of the Kingdom Identity Ministries in
Harrison, Ark., whose Internet site is linked to a KKK site, had a
different view. "Obviously he is not a white Christian,"
Hallimore said of Lieberman. "It is destructive to our way of life-or
at least in the way intended by our Founding Fathers, or more importantly,
by our heavenly father."


Kirk Victor, Richard E. Cohen, and David Baumann

National Journal