LEXIS-NEXIS® Congressional Universe-Document

Search Terms: legal services corporation, House or Senate or Joint

Document 35 of 44.

MAY 12, 1999, WEDNESDAY

SECTION: IN THE NEWS

LENGTH: 5260 words

HEADLINE: PREPARED STATEMENT OF
CECILIA MUNOZ
VICE-PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF RESEARCH ADVOCACY AND LEGISLATION
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF LA RAZA
BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
SUBCOMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION
SUBJECT - PROPOSED AGRICULTURAL "GUESTWORKER" PROGRAMS

BODY:

I. INTRODUCTION
My name is Cecilia Munoz. I am the vice-president for the Office of Research, Advocacy and Legislation of the National Council of La Raza (NCLR). NCLR is a private, nonprofit, nonpartisan organization established in 1968 to reduce poverty and discrimination and improve life opportunities for Hispanic Americans. NCLR is the largest constituency-based national Hispanic organization, serving all Hispanic nationality groups in all regions of the country through our network of 230 affiliate community-based groups and regional offices. NCLR has supported fair and effective immigration and farmworker policies for over two decades, and has ensured a factbased Latino perspective on the issue of immigration. NCLR approaches this issue as a civil rights organization, with an interest in protecting the rights of our constituency and promoting the values and principles of the nation as a whole.
I appreciate the opportunity to submit this statement before the Subcommittee today, especially when it concerns an issue that ultimately will affect the lives of perhaps the single most disadvantaged of all groups in the United States: the nation's farmworkers. These hard-working Americans toil in the fields for meager earnings and few benefits; they sustain multi-billion dollar industries, and literally put food on our tables. Yet, they remain largely invisible to the rest of the country. Under a century old system of labor, farmworkers continue to be inadequately protected by federal laws and regulations, including worker protection standards that all other workers take for granted.
We have heard today from representatives of the agricultural industry which is again attempting to orchestrate the establishment of additional special privileges for itself, proclaiming the same unsubstantiated argument employed continuously since the mid-1800s: that there are labor shortages. Whether it was Chinese immigrants in the nineteenth century, the 4.5 million braceros brought in to toil in the fields between 1942 and 1964, or "guestworkers" under the current H-2A program, the agricultural industry has been dependent on foreign- labor and has been relentless in maintaining this dependency. They have spent the last decade soliciting Congressional support for a massive expansion of the H-2A program, claiming that recent governmental efforts to enhance border control and increase interior enforcement of immigration laws will drain them of their labor force.
II. PROPOSED EXPANSION OF GUESTWORKER PROGRAM
A. Overview
NCLR, like most Latino advocacy organizations, is concerned about current proposals to "reform" or expand current guestworker programs because the majority of farmworkers in the United States are Latino. About 70% of farmworkers are foreignborn; 94% of these are from Mexico.1 As of 1995, an estimated 63% held citizen or lawful permanent resident status. Researchers estimate that there are 1.6 million migrant and seasonal farmworkers excluding livestock workers in the nation. Half of these are in California, competing for a shrinking number of jobs.2 When you include family members and other dependents of farmworkers, the national farmworker community compromises as much as 4.1 million Americans.
For several years, certain agricultural employer interests have claimed that there is, or soon will be, a shortage of farmworkers authorized to work by our nation's immigration laws. Recently, this cry has reached a feverish pitch as agricultural employer groups have lobbied in favor of an expanded temporary "guestworker" program. Such programs were proposed in 1996 and 1998, and we expect yet another proposal to be introduced shortly. B. No Agricultural Labor Shortage
The House of Representatives resoundingly defeated two agricultural "guestworker" amendments to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act in 1996.3 Consequently, Congress requested that the Government Accounting Office (GAO) investigate claims of an agricultural labor shortage; presumably to shed much needed light on the notion and settle the argument.4
Contrary to the growers' claims in 1996, the GAO found that there is, and will be "in the foreseeable future" a surplus of agricultural labor in the United States. GAO found double-digit unemployment rates in the 20 major crop-producing counties which feed the migrant labor stream. These counties - 13 of which are in California account for about half of the total national value of production in fruits, tree nuts, and vegetables. The GAO also found that farmworkers' real wages have declined during the last decade, a fact that contradicts labor shortage claims.5
Moreover, a review of unemployment data in California shows that the unemployment rate for the 18 crop-producing counties in California is often double the unemployment rate for the entire state (see chart A). The average unemployment rate for these counties is greater than the statewide average by as many as 6.5 percentage points even in peak harvest months.6
Further, a recent Washington State government report revealed that there were twice as many workers as jobs in agriculture. The State found 139,000 workers were available to fill 67,100 jobs in 1995 and concluded that farmworkers average earnings are low because "there is normally a plentiful supply of workers at relatively low wage rates."7
Some have pointed to the recent INS audits of produce warehouses in Washington's Yakima valley as evidence that a new guestworker program is needed to overcome a shortage of authorized workers. The INS action resulted in the firing of 562 unauthorized workers. While NCLR is concerned about the disruption these firings have had on the Latino immigrant community, and about the potential for future hiring discrimination against Latinos, this case does not prove that there is a shortage of authorized workers. At the time, Yakima County had an unemployment rate of 13.9% and there were 1,400 agricultural workers receiving unemployment compensation which requires verification of legal immigration status. The State Employment Security Department referred workers for all job listings submitted by the produce warehouse within hours. The growers themselves said that there was no shortage of applicants for job vacancies created the INS audits.8
Given these statistics, the claims of a labor shortage can take absurd dimensions. For instance, in September of 1998, the unemployment rates in the four-county Fresno region were as much as twice the statewide average, for a total of 99,200 unemployed legal U.S. workers.9 At the same time, however, raisin growers in the area were calling on then- Governor Wilson to deploy the National Guard, delay school openings, and release prisoners to the fields to harvest grapes because they could not find enough workers.10 The growers claimed they were short by 80,000 workers, yet the grapes were harvested.
C.

C.
Recruitment of Undocumented Workers
The fact that a sizeable percentage of farmworkers is undocumented - 37 % according to the Department of Labor and the GAO - is not evidence that there is a shortage of authorized workers. More likely, it is evidence that the hiring practices used by growers have contributed to the size of the undocumented population in the United States. Increasingly, growers have turned to farm labor contractors (FLCs) or crewleaders to recruit, hire and supervise farmworkers, rather than directly recruiting workers. As of 1995, fifty percent of California's seasonal farm jobs were filled through FLCs.11 Workers hired through crewleaders tend to experience lower wage rates, more unemployment, and higher turnover. Such workers are also more likely to be undocumented as the contractors compete for the cheaper workforce.
CHART A - OFFICIAL UNEMPLOYMENT STATISTICS (NOTE: CHART NOT TRANSMITTABLE)
Many growers deny that they directly employ any farmworkers and blame immigration and labor law violations on the FLCs, who are hard to prosecute, because they frequently cannot afford to pay a court judgment for the failure to pay wages or Social Security contributions.
The guestworker program being proposed by the growers would do nothing to decrease the number of undocumented workers in the United States, nor would it regularize or stop unauthorized migration across the nation's borders. To the contrary, it would likely increase the size of the flow as new social and employment networks are established across the United States and abroad. At the same time, workers entering under such a program would suffer the most intolerable working conditions not seen in this country since the demise of the Bracero program.
D. A Shortage of Decent Wages and Working Conditions
In 1992 the Commission on Agricultural Workers, appointed by Congress, recommended that agricultural employers would better stabilize the workforce by improving labor practices. The agricultural interests requesting a new guestworker program have not followed these recommendations. Despite their repeated predictions of imminent labor shortages, these growers have not acted like an industry facing a labor shortage by improving jobs offered to workers. Instead, we are dealing with a century-old system of low-wage, high turnover jobs made possible through the use of labor contractors to attract desperate and exploitable undocumented workers.
This system has resulted in poor working conditions for all farmworkers. Real wages, in recent years, have declined and the poverty rate for farmworkers has escalated to well above one-half the population.12 An ongoing study of migrant and seasonal farmworkers commissioned by the Department of Labor found that "median personal incomes have remained between $5,000 and $7,500 since 1988, which means that personal incomes, in inflated-adjusted dollars, likely fell during this period."13
The New York Times in 1997 reported economists' assessment that farmworkers' real wages during the last twenty years have decreased by 20 % or more.14 Time Magazine reported that California's strawberry workers experienced a decline in real earnings from $9.00 per hour a decade ago to $6.00 per hour in 1996.15 In some crops, piece rates have not increased in many years. The decline in the real value of the federal minimum wage has also contributed to low agricultural wages.
Fruit and vegetable growers can afford to pay workers a living wage. The value of production of such labor-intensive crops grew by 52% between 1986 and 1995, netting $15.1 billion. A doubling in the value of exports of these products during the 1990s largely has fueled this growth. Productivity has also increased.At the same time, Americans spend a smaller proportion of their income on food than consumers anywhere else in the world do. To compare, Americans spend 9 percent, on average, on food eaten at home, while the English spend 14 %; the Japanese 20%; Indians 50%. The average American family spends only $400 per year - less than $10 a week - on fresh fruits and vegetables.16 Still, growers often say they cannot raise wages because Americans will not pay more for their produce.
Growers currently have little incentive to pay higher wages. If a grower decides to compete for available work-authorized farmworkers by increasing the wage offer they may be undercut by competition by a less scrupulous employer hiring undocumented workers. The lack of wage standards enforcement gives a competitive edge to the employer who does not comply with the laws. Currently, the growers are seeking to level the playing field by lowering the standards for all employers, to the detriment of the worker. It would be more appropriate, and better for both the employer and the worker for Congress to improve standards and provide for more equitable enforcement.
Farm labor is consistently rated among the top three most dangerous jobs in the nation. The majority of farmworkers continue to be excluded from many federal and state regulations affecting worker health and safety. Our laws often discourage against farmworkers regarding child labor laws, minimum wage, overtime, unemployment insurance, disability coverage, or workers' compensation.
Workers often sleep in pesticide-laden fields or caves, along riverbanks and in other unsafe and dangerous locations. They work under substandard conditions, often with no access to toilets, handwashing facilities, or fresh drinking water. Housing for farmworkers is frequently non-existent or intolerably rundown and the wages are not adequate to stimulate housing development.
Unfortunately, the living and working conditions of the nation's farmworkers have not improved significantly since the early 1900s. A report by the California Commission on Immigration and Housing chronicled the brutal working and living conditions of migrant workers in 1915, and its recommendations led to state regulation of farm labor camps. In 1991, the San Jose Mercury News revealed that conditions in some of California's labor camps have not improved. In Washington State last year, the Yakima Herald-Republic published a series of articles that examined the shortage of livable housing for Washington's farmworkers. The reports found conditions in one housing camp to be "worse than anyone had expected" with over 300 health and safety code violations.17
Agricultural work is exempted from labor standards that most American workers take for granted. Nevertheless, the few protections that exist for America's farmworkers are often violated because enforcement of these minimal standards is severely lacking. In 1995, the Department of Labor found violations in 63% of the 2,300 worksites surveyed. In 1998, 30% of California grape growers were found to have violated farmworkers' minimum wage rights.18
Budget reductions for the federal agencies responsible for enforcing the minimal farm labor protections, including the Department of Labor's Wage and Hour Division and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), are likely to result in sporadic and ineffectual enforcement. The watchdog role traditionally played by legal service groups has also been eroded.
At the same time, the same growers asking Congress for an extended guestworker program are requesting that Congress further degrade the farmworker labor standards under the Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act.19 While other industries are seeking to make their jobs more attractive in order to recruit and retain a stable workforce, these growers are seeking to make things worse, and demanding that Congress provide the forced labor.
E. The Current Guestworker Program
NCLR believes that the existing temporary foreign worker program, known as "H-2A", is overly generous to the agricultural industry and insufficiently protective of the rights of both U.S. and foreign workers. Industry proposals to further "deregulate" the H-2A pl inevitably and inexorably undermine wages and working conditions for all of America's farmworkers. There is considerable evidence that the H-2A program - which brings in about 25,000 Mexican and Jamaican temporary workers each year - has been fraught with abuses. In its December 1997 study, the GAO found that workers who enter under the H- 2A program are not receiving all of the protections required by the H- 2A law. The "special requirements" of the H-2A program, which the growers decry, are there for a reason. These protections are intended to ensure that nonimmigrant guestworkers are hired only to fill actual labor shortages, that U.S. farmworkers' wages and working conditions are not affected adversely, and that foreign workers are not mistreated.

Nevertheless, the Department of Labor is acceding to growers' demands by offering for instance, administrative reform and quicker processing that will undermine some of the program's protections. The current program has resulted in lower wages for farmworkers in America. That is why the USDA's National Commission on Small Farms urged the repeal of the H-2A program after hearing testimony that "large farm operators and agribusiness have unfair advantages 'because employer costs have been reduced by partial or total exclusion of agricultural workers from coverage under key labor laws." In addition, "the authorized importation of foreign workers for agricultural work (H-2A program), by adding workers to the pool of available labor, has helped keep wages for agricultural workers...below what they would have been without such interventions."20 The current H-2A program approves 99% of the applications filed by agricultural employers despite the labor surplus. The H-2A program was streamlined for employers in 1986 and has operated to their advantage. The program is growing rapidly and spreading to new crops and new states. In Georgia, for example, the Department of Labor approved applications for more than 2,200 jobs in 1999, even in cases where the grower failed to file the application on time.21 During the previous year, Georgia received fewer than 200 H-2A workers.
Still not satisfied, growers are demanding that Congress "reform" the guestworker program to lower wages, reduce recruitment of U.S. workers, eliminate the current program's housing obligations, authorize wage and other employment practices that are currently illegal, and reduce enforcement of labor standards. Guestworkers are desirable because they lack the right to switch jobs or to remain in the country once their job ends. Guestworkers also lack economic or political power to improve their conditions.
F. The Growers' Proposal
There is no valid justification for enacting a new guestworker program. When one considers the proposal introduced last year, it becomes clear that the future the growers envision for farmworkers under such a program would be quite bleak. The guestworker legislation introduced during the 105' Congress, erroneously entitled the "Agricultural Job Opportunity Benefits and Security Act of 1998," is rife with injustices. Among other things, it would: - Permit employers to exploit foreign workers and ignore American laborers. The guestworker proposal eliminates employers' obligations to privately recruit U.S. workers and therefore enables them to give preference to cheaper foreign labor. There is no justification for such a preference; large-scale growers and processors can well afford to hire domestic workers given the excellent economic outlook of the sector.
- Reduce wages for farm workers, circumventing state and federal minimum wage laws. It would only require employers to pay the higher of either the local prevailing wage or a newly defined adverse effect wage rate (5% above the prevailing wage rate). Worse yet, employers themselves could determine the "prevailing wage" or rely on state agencies' determinations rather than those of the Department of Labor. Certain types of abusive labor practices that are now illegal would be legalized.
- Provide an illusory offer of green cards. It would only permit foreign nationals to apply for permanent visas after completing four consecutive years of working in the program for at least 6 months per year. Few farm workers would satisfy that requirement due to the short nature of their jobs. In addition, the guestworkers' desire to obtain continued employment would render them vulnerable to unreasonable employer demands. Finally, the provision relied upon the "spilldown" of leftover visas from higher preference employment-based immigration categories which are unlikely to materialize; it is an illusory offer.
- Relieve agricultural growers and labor contractors of the obligation to provide housing and transportation. New "allowances" in the measure would place the burden on foreign workers to find housing in unfamiliar communities. As a result, some workers could end up homeless because their wages are too low for them to afford housing and because there is also a farmwoker housing shortage. The legislation would also remove the employer's obligation to reimburse workers for in-bound travel costs at the half-season point and to pay the worker's cost of going home upon completing the entire season.
- Provide no minimum work guarantees unlike the current program. Without such guarantees, guestworkers have no way to estimate their potential earnings and employers could over-recruit to secure a labor surplus, driving down wages.
Last year's proposal is too complex and lengthy to analyze here. The extensive labor law aspects of the bill, combined with the guestworker component, would provide employers with extraordinary control over their workers and permit businesses to escape the economic law of supply and demand. Moreover, the costs associated with this program - including the impact on the local community - would be paid by U.S. taxpayers. Meanwhile, Social Security and unemployment insurance are not applicable to guestworker wages; essentially providing a tax-break for the employers using this program.
In short, the growers' proposal is anti-immigrant, anti-worker and antiLatino.
III. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
A. Conclusions
NCLR strongly opposes any attempt to expand temporary foreign agricultural guestworker programs. NCLR opposes the effort to weaken the existing H-2A program by changing the labor certification process, which gives preference to the hiring U.S. farmworkers; by repealing the requirements for housing, transportation reimbursement, and the minimum work guarantee; by lowering wages required by the current law; and by authorizing certain employment practices that are currently illegal.
More importantly, there are no convincing arguments to support the growers' call for more temporary foreign agricultural workers. For far too long, the United States government has granted select growers a privilege to which few other industries are entitled. Rather than rely on market methods for recruiting workers, including offering adequate wages and favorable working conditions, growers have depended upon Congress for assistance in obtaining a workforce. In fact, since the inception of the H-2A program, users of the program have created their own perpetual "labor shortages" by making farm labor jobs as unattractive to U.S. workers as possible.'
B. RECOMMENDATIONS
Rather than grant the agricultural industry increased access to foreign labor, NCLR urges Congress and the Administration to consider the following recommendations:
- Effectively Enforce Existing Protections and Labor Laws: The Department of Labor (DOL) must prevent persisting employer abuses of the H-2A program, by enforcing existing protections in the program, including the "fifty percent rule," which gives U.S. farmworkers preference over an H-2A worker. Growers must also not be allowed to exploit foreign workers by underpaying them or denying them crucial benefits. DOL also must increase its vigilance over the H-2A program and resist attempts to reduce alleged administrative burdens.
- Provide Adequate Resources for Enforcement of Labor Laws: The Administration should request, and Congress should provide, sufficient funding to DOL's Wage and Hour Division and OSHA, among others, to assure effective monitoring and enforcement of labor standards for U.S. farmworkers and H-2A workers. Law abiding employers that wish to compete for workers must be protected from unfair competition by companies that violate the law. Congress should also revisit the budget restrictions and limitations on the Legal Services Corporation grantees that have traditionally served farmworkers.
- Improve Existing Recruitment Methods: The agricultural industry must improve its current recruitment methods to attract available, work- authorized U.S. workers, while recognizing that recruitment only succeeds when the job offer is decent. Surveys along the East Coast, where more growers are using the H-2A program, have shown that U.S. farmworkers are indeed available for work but need advance assistance with transportation; which is rarely provided to U.S. farmworkers.

Growers also must assure that their written job advertisements are placed in locations where U.S. farmworkers will hear or see them. In addition, the Department of Labor's U.S. Employment Service must improve its outreach efforts to match U.S. farmworkers with available agricultural jobs, primarily since less than five percent of all U.S. farmworkers use this system to secure work. Further,
- Recruitment of U.S. workers is often done with mixed messages. While claiming a "shortage" of workers for the 1998 grape and raisin harvest, certain growers representatives discouraged job seekers by claiming that the jobs were too difficult for U.S. workers and that they should not complain about the low wages being offered.failure of DOL's proposed AgNet or other similar job registry systems to produce workers immediately should not trigger automatic certification of applications for guestworkers, as this system will probably take several years to become effective. Employers and DOL should improve coordination with labor unions and community-based organizations that are ready and willing to promote recruitment of U.S. farmworkers to meet the employers' needs.
- Make Growers Who Use Farm Labor Contractors (FLCs) Responsible for Treatment of Their Workers: Congress and enforcement agencies must assure that growers do not circumvent existing labor laws by increasingly relying on FLCs for workers. Since the enactment of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), growers have come to depend more heavily upon FLCs to produce a workforce. Essentially, contractors have become the "risk buffers" between growers and their immigrant workers, and now perform the regulatory duty imposed by IRCA on all employers. Furthermore, evidence has shown that workers hired by FLCs are more susceptible to exploitation in the form of lower wages, reduced benefits, lower retention rates, and inferior working conditions.
Please take these recommendations into account as you proceed with your consideration of these issues. The Subcommittee should recognize that the past is prologue - previous implementations of the growers' attempts to bring in foreign workers as "guestworkers" have not been effective in controlling undocumented immigration. In fact, immigration experts believe that the Bracero program - which supporters also claimed would end unlawful migration - established the networks by which unauthorized migrant workers continue to enter and work in the United States today. The guestworker issue brings together a remarkably broad array of interests. Every blue ribbon panel that has ever studied the issue, from the Hesburgh Commission to the Jordan Commission has rejected the idea of an expanded guestworker program. The Latino community is united in opposing the growers' efforts. Defeat of the growers' proposal is a top priority for the National Council of La Raza. It is not often that such a consensus exists among both immigrant advocates and immigration restrictionists. Congress should follow this consensus and reject this proposal as unnecessary, dangerous and counterproductive.
Again, thank you Mr. Chairman and the Subcommittee for considering our views on this issue.
FOOTNOTES:
1 U.S. Department of Labor, A Profile of US. Farm Workers: Demographics, Household Composition, Income and Use of Services, Based on Data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS), April 1997.
2 U.S. Department of Labor, Migrant Farmworkers: Pursuing Security in an Unstable Labor Market, Based on Data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS), 1994; Martin, Philip,"California's Farm Labor Market and Immigration Reform," in Lowell, Lindsey, ed., Temporary Migrants in the United States, U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform, 1996.
3 Roll Call Vote No. 85 on amendment offered by Mr. Pombo, Congressional Record, March 2 l, 1996; Roll Call Vote No. 86 on amendment offered by Mr. Goodlatte, Congressional Record, March 2 I, 1996.
4 Amendment No. 3741 to S. 1664, Congressional Record, April 25, 1996; U.S. House of Representatives, Conference Report on the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996, September 24, 1996.
5 U.S. General Accounting Office, H-2A Agricultural Guestworker Program, December 1997.
6 State of California, Employment Development Department, Report 400C, 1987-1998.
7 Washington State Employment Security, Agricultural Work Force in Washington State 1996, June 1997.
8 Smith, Rebecca "Proposed Agricultural Guest Worker Program: Issues & Concerns" Columbia Legal Services, April 1999.
9 State of California, Employment Development Department, Report 400C, 1987-1998 10 "Growers Face Worker Shortage," San Francisco Chronicle, September I I, 1998.
11 Martin, Philip and J. Edward Taylor, Merchants of Labor: Farm Labor Contractors and Immigration Reform (The Urban Institute, 1995) at 15.
12 U.S. Department of Labor, A Profile of U.S. Farm Workers: Demographics, Household Composition, Income and Use of Services, Based on Data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey, April 1997.
13 Ibid.
14 "U.S. Surveys Find Farm Worker Pay Down for 20 Years," New York Times, March 31, 1997.
15 Time, November 25, 1996.
16 Rothenberg, Daniel, With These Hands: the Hidden Worm of Migrant Farmworkers Today, Harcourt Brace & Company, 1998.
17 "Plumbing's a Luxury Here" Yakima Herald-Republic, April 19, 1998 and "Housing Camp Shut Down" Yakima Herald-Republic, April 23, 1998.
18 "Federal Survey of State Grape Industry Reveals Underpaid Workers," Press Release, U.S. Department of Labor, September 15, 1998.
19 This effort was manifested in H.R. 2038 in the 105th Congress. The American Farm Bureau recently announced that it intends to push for passage of this legislation during the 106th Congress.
20 U.S. Department of Agriculture, A Time to Act, National Commission on Small Farms, Washington, D.C.: January 1998.
21 Letter from Secretary Alexis Herman, U.S. Department of Labor, to Senator Paul Coverdell, April 16,
1999 SELECTED REFERENCES
H-2A Agricultural Guestworker Program: Changes Could Improve Services to Employers and Better Protect Workers, General Accounting Office, Washington, D.C.: December 1997.
Rothenberg, Daniel. With These Hands: the Hidden World of Migrant Farmworkers Today, New York, New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1998.
Schacht, M.S. et al. The 1998 Central Valley Raisin Harvest: a Case Study of the Availability of Farmworkers During the Alleged Labor Shortage in the Four County Fresno Area. California Rural Legal Assistance Foundation, Sacramento, California: April 1999.
Testimony on Proposed "Guestworker" Programs, presented by Raul Yzaguirre, National Council of La Raza, before the Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., December 7, 1995.
Testimony on Temporary Agricultural Work Visa Programs, presented by Bruce Goldstein, Farmworker Justice Fund, before the Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims, Judiciary Committee, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., September 24, 1997.
Testimony on the H-2A Program and its Impact on Agriculture, presented by Raul Yzaguirre, National Council of La Raza, before the Committee on Agriculture and Subcommittee on Immigration and Claims, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., December 14, 1995.
END

LOAD-DATE: May 14, 1999

Document 35 of 44.


Search Terms: legal services corporation, House or Senate or Joint
To narrow your search, please enter a word or phrase: