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Copyright 1999 The Seattle Times Company  
The Seattle Times

July 26, 1999, Monday Final Edition

SECTION: NEWS; Pg. A1

LENGTH: 1761 words

HEADLINE: SEATTLEITE ACCUSED OF DECEIVING CONGRESS

BYLINE: DANNY WESTNEAT; SEATTLE TIMES WASHINGTON BUREAU

DATELINE: WASHINGTON

BODY:
CONSERVATIVES say John McKay's agency can't account for its money. McKay says they can't accept that helping the poor is a conservative core value.
 
WASHINGTON - Seattle lawyer John McKay is trying to soothe the lunchtime crowd at the Heritage Foundation, one of the most conservative groups in the capital. The head of the national legal-aid-for-the-poor program is telling his audience that he's a Heritage type of guy: a champion of small government, a loyal Republican, a patron of George Bush and Sen. Slade Gorton. He doesn't say it this day, but he's also anti-abortion.

The crowd of tax cutters and young conservatives listens politely. Then it gets ugly. One man accuses McKay of fraud. A foundation researcher says McKay's agency is a waste of money. A summer intern confronts McKay on his way out of the auditorium: "How can you call yourself a Republican?"

McKay briefly tries to explain but gives up in disgust. "You better get over this ridiculous idea that helping poor people somehow makes you a liberal softie," he shoots back.

When McKay, 43, left his corporate office on the 70th floor of the Columbia Seafirst Center two years ago to take over the Legal Services Corp., he knew it would be a contentious job. The $ 300 million-a-year nonprofit agency, formed by Congress 25 years ago to give civil legal help to people who can't afford it, has long been the target of conservatives who see it as liberal social advocacy in disguise.

As he enters his final year, even McKay's harshest critics say he has almost single-handedly saved the program from elimination. He has been masterful at convincing skeptical Republicans that his agency is part of the justice system, not the welfare state.

But a new controversy is threatening to undermine those successes. A series of audits has found that Legal Services has not helped as many people as Congress had been led to believe. McKay and other Legal Services officials may have exaggerated the agency's caseload by anywhere from 10 to 30 percent.
 
They are ripping him apart'

The admission has opened McKay to charges that he deceived Congress, a matter he says is "explosive" because his agency is dependent on taxpayer financing. Last week, House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, accused the agency of hiding the truth, and a House subcommittee proposed to cut the Legal Services budget in half.

"McKay had done a fantastic job, especially of getting the Republicans on board," said Ken Boehm, former general counsel at Legal Services but now the chief critic of the program. "But this is a major mistake. They are ripping him apart right now.

"The worst thing you can do around here is not be straight with Congress."

When the news broke earlier this year that Legal Services had overstated the number of cases it handles by 200,000 or more, McKay got a phone call from his oldest brother in Seattle.

"What the hell are you doing back there?" the brother said.

This might be chalked up to typical brotherly ribbing - except that the views of McKay's brother carry unusual authority, as he is Mike McKay, former U.S. attorney for Seattle under President Bush.

"He gave it to me pretty good, but that's sort of the McKay way," John McKay said.

Growing up with 11 brothers and sisters on Seattle's Capitol Hill, McKay said his parents led dinner conversation using the Socratic method, calling on kids to report on issues of the day or argue a particular point.

This "McKay way" has been a hallmark of his tenure as president of Legal Services.

He has lobbied Congress aggressively, challenging critics with a confrontational, unconventional style. First he rolls out his conservative credentials, then tells Republicans they are discarding their core belief system if they vote to eliminate the program.

"It's rock-bottom conservative philosophy that the country must have a strong justice system, and that everyone gets access to it," he says.

Some of the strongest jibes have come from legal-aid lawyers, angry that he would not support them taking cases that had a discernible liberal agenda.
 
Not a bunch of liberal lawyers'

McKay has been harsh when he feels legal-aid lawyers go astray. After the Texas office sued to overturn the election of two local Republican officials, McKay called the lawyers to Washington, D.C., and threatened to deny them grant money if they did it again. Then he told them: "If you want to do political cases, go join the ACLU."

"Every once in a while," he says, "legal-aid lawyers do some thunderingly stupid things."

New rules passed by Congress in 1995 bar Legal Services attorneys from filing class-action suits or representing prisoners or immigrants challenging deportation. The attorneys also can't lobby state or federal governments and can't take abortion cases.

"John has made a lot of progress with Republicans simply by enforcing the new rules, although it hasn't always gone over so well with some legal-aid folks," said Mike McKay, now in private practice with his own firm, McKay & Chadwell.

John McKay was hired precisely to bring a conservative slant to the agency. His successes are impressive: Last year, he persuaded Rep. Steve Largent, R-Okla., a staunch conservative, to switch his views and support the agency. He also talked the Christian Coalition into taking legal aid off its budget "hit list" by showing how many churches supported the program.

Fifty-seven House Republicans supported Legal Services last year, joining all but three Democrats in the highest vote support since Republicans took control of Congress in 1995. The budget was increased from $ 283 million to $ 300 million - still well below the $ 415 million in 1995, but a sign to McKay that Congress is no longer out for blood.

"We have buried the idea of eliminating legal aid," he says. "I think now they are convinced it's a nonpartisan goal, that we're not a bunch of liberal lawyers sitting around scheming up class-action suits to try to transfer wealth from the haves to the have-nots."
 
The attack du jour'

Not so fast, the critics say.

Last week, the Heritage Foundation put out a new report calling on Congress to replace Legal Services with a grant program to the states and more volunteering. The group also says Congress should investigate a potential cover-up of the case-statistic problem.

The crux of the issue is that McKay knew the agency's case statistics were overstated when Congress voted last year to approve an increase in its budget. But he didn't tell anybody on Capitol Hill until this spring, and then only after a congressman dredged it out of him at a hearing.

To exacerbate McKay's predicament, when first asked about the problem, he said it was no big deal.

"It's not significant in terms of overall cases and services we are providing," McKay said in April. "If anything, we're underreporting the services we provide."

Some very influential people disagreed.

Armey, the House majority leader, called the overcounting "the grossest example of Washington bureaucrats abusing hard-earned taxpayer money."

McKay is apologetic, although he says he did not deceive Congress. He says the problem is mostly one of semantics - that there is confusion in Legal Services offices about what constitutes a "case," leading some offices to record phone referrals as a completed case. He also says the offices are using an outdated data-entry system.

"If you get $ 300 million a year and you can't adequately describe what you're doing with it, then you're a pretty crappy agency," he says. "I will fix this problem, and we will tell Congress exactly what they are getting for their money."

He adds that people who have never believed in the agency's mission - helping the poor - are using the reporting errors as the "attack du jour." Then he uses a surprising tactic for an agency head: He rips into a member of Congress.

"I'm very disappointed in Dick Armey because he's just trying to pump this up and incite the usual lynch mob," he said. "If there's a silver lining to any of this, at least this time they're not attacking poor people."

Others say McKay is close to losing his credibility with Congress.

"He's very smooth, but Republicans who are listening to him try to defend the agency are hearing another Bill Clinton talking," said Ginny Thomas, a fellow at the Heritage Foundation and a classmate of McKay's at Creighton University Law School in Omaha, Neb.

"He talks about things that grab your heart, but not your head. I like him a lot, but I have to say this looks like deceiving Congress to me."
 
The highest form of law'

McKay is a bit beleaguered these days, but it cheers him to recall his history as a pro bono lawyer. Fresh out of law school, in his first week at the Seattle firm Lane, Powell, Spears & Lubersky, McKay was introduced to the idea that "the highest form of law" is helping poor people who have legal problems.

He volunteered at the Pioneer Square office of what was then called Evergreen Legal Services. Soon, a steady stream of people were coming to see him: tenants evicted from apartments, women beaten by husbands, seniors denied Social Security benefits.

"It's the soup-kitchen notion of public service," he said.

In 1995, when he was at Cairncross & Hempelmann representing corporate clients such as Nordstrom and the Seattle Seahawks, McKay was named the state's Pro Bono Lawyer of the Year.

Ironically, since McKay took over Legal Services, he has not given legal help to a single poor person. He is consumed with lobbying members of Congress and watching over the 269 Legal Services offices in all 50 states that receive federal funding, including the Northwest Justice Project in Washington state.

This year, for relief from the brutal political battles, McKay gained admission to the District of Columbia Bar so he can begin helping indigent clients again. He did it, he said, because he feels he's losing touch with poor people and their legal issues.

He has the same complaint about politicians.

"The debate here has so little to do with what's actually happening in legal-aid offices all over the country," he said.

Then he offers a McKay-style solution - one that characteristically might not go over so well with his superiors in Congress.

"I'd love to subpoena these people and force them to visit legal services so they could see for themselves."
 
Danny Westneat's phone-message number is 206-464-2772. His e-mail address is dwestneat@seattletimes.com

GRAPHIC: PHOTO; 1) JOHN MCKAY > 2) PATRICK D. WITTY: JOHN MCKAY, A SEATTLE NATIVE, IS HAVING A CONFRONTATION WITH SOME MEMBERS OF CONGRESS AS PRESIDENT OF LEGAL SERVICES CORP.

LOAD-DATE: July 27, 1999




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