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05-20-2000

LOBBYING: Highway Robbery

For some Republican lawmakers, cutting fuel taxes looked like a
no-brainer. In March, gas and diesel prices had soared to their highest
level in years. Outraged truckers had driven their rigs to Washington to
vent their anger during a rally on the Mall. Slash the taxes, and Capitol
Hill Republicans could brag about their accomplishment in the November
election, GOP strategists argued. Tax reduction would also put Al Gore,
the presumptive Democratic nominee for President, on the defensive. In
1993, Vice President Gore cast the tie-breaking vote in the Senate in
favor of the 4.3-cent-per-gallon gasoline tax increase.

But Washington's powerful highway lobby and congressional allies, such as House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee Chairman Bud Shuster, R-Pa., dashed the tax cutters' dreams. Led by the American Road & Transportation Builders Association and the Associated General Contractors of America, the highway lobby maintained that repeal of the gas tax would gut the 1998 Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, the landmark $218 billion highway bill. The law requires that all the money in the Highway Trust Fund, which comes from the fuel taxes, be spent only to build or to repair the nation's highways. Because of the law, a reduction in the gas tax would mean less money for road-building.

The two trade groups swung into action. They wrote to lawmakers, rallied their troops, mobilized coalitions, spent big bucks on print advertisements, and lobbied key members of Congress. The intense, high-profile campaign worked.

"It was a carpet bombing," said Stephen Moore, an economist at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, who advocates repeal of the gas tax. "Within 24 hours, it seemed that our whole effort had been decimated."

In fact, the road builders' blitzkrieg is a case study in how Washington trade associations are able to mobilize their forces to defeat popular initiatives that would harm their members.

On Feb. 24, two days after the truckers came to Washington, Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell, R-Colo., introduced legislation that would impose a one-year moratorium on the 24.4-cent-per-gallon tax on diesel fuel. The ARTBA responded the same day, quickly turning the legislative battle into a numbers game designed to sway lawmakers' opinions. The association released a chart showing that repeal of the diesel tax would cost the states $8 billion a year in federal highway money. More important, the chart revealed how much each state would lose if the tax were repealed.

In March, House Republicans introduced legislation that would repeal the 4.3-cent-per-gallon tax. Meanwhile, Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., sponsored the most important bill. Introduced on March 23, the Lott proposal would suspend the 4.3-cent tax until Jan. 1. If the price of gas reached $2 per gallon, however, Lott's bill would kill the entire 18.4-cent-per-gallon tax. His measure would use some of the budget surplus to replace any trust fund money lost because of a fuel tax cut.

But the road builders wouldn't budge. The tax cut would not be passed down to consumers, they contended. Tapping the surplus to replenish the Highway Trust Fund would make it less likely that Congress would have the money to pass other tax cuts, the groups added. Most important, the groups said that cuts in the gas tax would sever the link established in the 1998 transportation bill between gas tax revenues and highway projects. The trade groups bombarded Capitol Hill with letters stating their opposition to the bill and mobilized their grass-roots forces. The ARTBA and the AGC issued bulletins commanding their members to contact lawmakers. Using a toll-free hot line, ARTBA members flooded Capitol Hill with almost 4,000 phone calls between February and April, the group said. "Grass-roots communication is the clincher. That's how you close the sale," said ARTBA President T. Peter Ruane. Members of Congress, he added, "want to hear from their constituents back home. In this case, they heard loud and clear."

Peter Loughlin, the AGC's director of congressional relations for construction, said that his group relied on the same tactics. "This is as large a response as I've seen on a single issue."

Besides the grass-roots campaign, the ARTBA and the AGC activated their coalition group, the Transportation Construction Coalition, which includes more than 20 trade associations, such as the American Concrete Pavement Association and the Laborers' International Union of North America. They also worked with the American Highway Users Alliance and the American Automobile Association, which has 42 million members. Getting the association on board was important, the road builders said, because it demonstrated that the coalition included consumers as well as businesses and contractors whose businesses would suffer from a tax cut.

Members of the ARTBA and the AGC also visited Capitol Hill to lobby undecided Senators against Lott's bill. They stressed that the Majority Leader's legislation would save motorists just $20 a year (or roughly 40 cents a week), while states could potentially lose nearly $20 billion in 2002 and 2003.

They also ran advertisements in Congressional Quarterly's Daily Monitor, National Journal's CongressDaily, Roll Call, and The Weekly Standard. One AGC ad displayed a map of the United States that showed how much money each state would lose if the 4.3-cent tax were repealed. "With this idea, everyone is a loser," the ad stated. "The only question is how much will your state lose?"

The ARTBA ran an ad contending that the gas tax cuts endangered public safety because there would not be enough money available for road improvements.

In the end, the road builders' efforts paid off. On April 6, the Senate voted, 65-35, to adopt a sense-of-the-Senate budget amendment opposing the repeal of any gas taxes. And on April 11, the Senate voted overwhelmingly to block consideration of Lott's bill. The other tax repeal bills most likely will never reach the House or Senate floor.

To be sure, the transportation industry wasn't the only key player in thwarting the tax cutters. Sens. Max Baucus, D-Mont., Christopher S. Bond, R-Mo., Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va., George Voinovich, R-Ohio, and John W. Warner, R-Va., led the fight in the Senate to defeat Lott's proposal. Shuster-arguably the key architect of the 1998 transportation bill-ensured that proposals to cut the gas tax went nowhere in the House.

Still, observers give the road builders much of the credit. "The lobbyists were crucial," explained Dawn Levy, a minority senior professional staffer for Baucus on the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee. "The main thing they have behind them are their members-who are my boss's constituents."

But some gas tax opponents have complained about the highway groups' aggressive lobbying campaign. "I think the road builders have burned a lot of bridges," said Pete Sepp, a spokesman for the National Taxpayers Union, a longtime opponent of the gas tax. "To express concerns about replacing trust fund monies is one thing, but to put out bogus studies that claim that cutting taxes will kill people and cost jobs is quite another," he added. It was a "reprehensible tactic that we would only expect from left-wing bomb throwers."

Moore, of the Cato Institute, complains that the road builders are just another industry feeding at the federal trough. "This is a case study in how the corporate welfare lobby can squelch even the best of ideas," he said.

Unmoved by such criticisms, the road builders are happy with the victory. "The highway industry further established a reputation as a real presence," the AGC's Loughlin said. "I think that's important for when future votes come up again."

Indeed, with so much money at stake, Ruane said that his group stands ready to redeploy its forces if the money in the highway trust fund is threatened again. "In my opinion, it's not over. And we anticipate that there'll be other attempts in the future to try to chip away" at the 1998 transportation law, he added.

Mark Murray National Journal
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