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Internet
Taxation: Not How, But Whether by Jerry M. Young
on 11/14/99 of
Sutherland
Institute Topic:
Taxation |
I If the groups
fighting for power to levy sales tax on Internet
commerce (e-commerce) are successful, the delicate Constitutional
balance which gives Congress sole authority to regulate
interstate commerce may be ripped into shreds. It was the chaos
between states, when they wrangled for every penny in dues and
tariffs as goods crossed into and out of their
individual domains, that caused the Founding Fathers to abandon
the Articles of Confederation. They composed a new document to
form a "more perfect union," the U.S. Constitution. The Articles
of Confederation had allowed each state to manage commerce
between itself and other states even as 13 separate nations might
do. In contrast, the Constitution gave Congress the sole power to
regulate interstate commerce. That single provision was one of
the great principles that bound this country together into the
greatest economic force in the world.
The need for this principle has resurfaced in
discussions of whether and how Internet transactions should be
taxed. Roughly two years ago, a number of congressmen were
seriously speculating about taxing the Internet. In response,
Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.) and Sen. Ron Wyden
(D-Ore.) joined forces in a pre-emptive strike by proposing
legislation that would have set a permanent ban on taxing
Internet commerce, including simple access to the Internet. It
came close to passage.
Shocked
at their defeat, those still dreaming of big tax revenues from
the Internet rallied to force a compromise. A year ago this month
the compromise bill became law: "The Internet Tax Freedom Act."
The final form called for a three-year moratorium on all "new"
taxes on Internet access and on e-commerce. It also authorized a
commission to study the subject and ordered a report by April
2000.
That's where the current
controversy is raging. The commission is almost equally split
between members that favor taxation and members that seriously
favor no taxes at all. There appear to be a couple of swing
votes on the commission who could go either
way.
Dean Andal, Vice-Chairman
of the California State Board of Equalization and one of the
anti-tax members of the commission has submitted a
legislative proposal that is under serious consideration by the
commission. If passed, that legislation would go far to
establish, once and for all, a jurisdictional standard that would
set precise descriptions on what constitutes interstate commerce
and what does not. That achievement alone would eliminate much of
this hassle.
Utah Governor
Mike Leavitt, as chairman of the National Governors Association
(NGA), is a member of the commission, and has been
consistently in favor of taxation. The arguments of his group and
the other pro-tax factions center around how taxes might be
collected rather than whether they should be collected at
all.
The pro-tax faction
claims that we must levy a tax on Internet sales because it's
only "fair" to main street retailers who are losing business to
"remote" sellers who don't have to pay rent and charge sales
taxes. They portray e-commerce as a force that will one day break
down and crush brick-and-mortar retail companies. This argument
does not acknowledge the fact that many Internet retailers are
also brick-and-mortar retailers who benefit greatly from their
Internet presence.
Even this
fact is beside the point to pro-taxers, who invoke "use tax"
laws as justification for taxing Internet sales. Five years ago
use taxes referred one thing. Today in Utah and other states it
means something entirely different.
"Sales and Use Tax" regulations used to apply solely to
businesses. Every Utah business receives a tax number that
exempts it from sales tax on what it buys. In this way, the
product is only taxed when it is sold to customers, not each time
it passes through a middleman. But since all businesses consume
some products, the "use" tax applied to items businesses buy
wholesale and use within their own operations-when the business is
the end user.
A couple of
years ago the scope of the use tax was expanded in Utah.
The state announced that from that time forward all Utahns were
liable for sales tax on everything they purchased and "used" in
Utah. Suddenly commercial elements that had been protected by
congressionally controlled interstate commerce provisions found
themselves under the taxing jurisdiction of Utah. These elements,
generally called "remote" businesses, include mail order
catalogs, direct mail houses, telephone solicitors, and now
Internet retailers.
Instead of
assuming that taxes are owed on e-commerce sales, states
should first clarify whether they can levy taxes in these
situations or not. The anti-tax side argues that Internet
commerce is protected under principles of interstate commerce.
These same arguments have been winning cases before the U.S.
Supreme Court for decades. For example, if a company does not
have a physical presence (like a store or warehouse) in a given
state, it is not required to collect sales taxes on behalf of
that state. By extension, sales over the Internet would be just
as protected as sales done by other remote
businesses.
Hard as it might
be on those in power in the various states, the principle of
interstate commerce that was established by the Founding Fathers
must remain intact. States have no right or authority to regulate
commerce between themselves and other states, and taxes are one
of the most powerful means of regulating commerce. When states
try to levy taxes on commerce that crosses state borders, they
threaten a return to the very conflict that ultimately caused the
abandonment of the confederation of states.
#####
Jerry
Young is the Director of Communications for the Sutherland
Institute, a Utah public policy research institute. Permission to
reprint this article in whole or in part is granted provided
credit is given to the author and to the Sutherland
Institute.
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