Copyright 1999 Federal News Service, Inc. 
  
Federal News Service 
JULY 1, 1999, THURSDAY 
SECTION: IN THE NEWS 
LENGTH: 
2043 words 
HEADLINE: PREPARED TESTIMONY OF 
JONATHAN 
HIATT 
GENERAL COUNSEL 
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND 
CONGRESS OF 
INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS 
BEFORE THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON THE 
JUDICIARY 
BODY: 
Good morning, Chairman Hyde. My 
name is Jonathan Hiatt, I am the General Counsel of the American Federation of 
Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations. I would like to thank the 
Committee for the opportunity to testify on the issue of federal legislation 
addressing the rights of workers suffering from exposure to asbestos. 
The 
Committee has before it H.R. 1283, the Fairness in Asbestos Compensation Act of 
1999. The AFL-CIO is opposed to H.R. 1283, as is the Building and Construction 
Trades Department of the AFL-CIO, which has been actively involved over the 
years in representing workers exposed to asbestos. I have attached to my written 
testimony a copy of a letter from Robert Georgine, the President of the Building 
and Construction Trades Department of the AFLCIO, to Congressman Conyers of this 
Committee, expressing his opposition to last year's version of this bill, and a 
copy of a letter from William G. Bernard, President of the International 
Association of Heat & Frost Insulators and Asbestos Workers, to Chairman 
Hyde expressing that union's opposition to H.R. 1283. 
The AFL-CIO's member 
unions represent, we believe, over 1 million active and retired workers who have 
been exposed to asbestos. Hundreds of thousands of America's workingfamilies are 
living with the deadly consequences of this exposure, acquired often while 
working in defense industries. Compounding this tragedy, the legal system has 
offered lengthy delays followed by limited compensation, compensation that often 
comes too late. 
The AFL-CIO, its member unions, and its affiliated state 
federations of labor have been actively involved in efforts over the last ten 
years to craft solutions to the tragedy of asbestos. We have sought to work with 
responsible elements among the asbestos manufacturers, and we continue to be 
ready to engage in dialogue with the industry. There is, we believe, a broad 
recognition that the plight of asbestos victims might be eased by developing 
alternative methods of resolving their claims. Currently efforts are underway 
among the parties to asbestos litigation to craft innovative voluntary 
alternative claims procedures at the state level. One such agreement has been 
entered into in Louisiana. These efforts should be allowed to develop and be 
tested. 
The exposure of millions of working Americans to asbestos is one of 
the largest torts in the nation's history. It has led to hundreds of thousands 
of claims, and will lead to more. The judiciary has asked several times for 
Congress to consider how this case load might be managed, most recently in last 
week's Fibreboard decision.1 However, the need for innovative approaches to 
obtaining justice for asbestos victims must not be the basis for denying those 
same people effective access to our courts. The AFL-CIO is eager to work with 
the Committee to craft such an innovative approach, but we must begin by 
outlining why the bill before the Committee today takes us in the wrong 
direction. 
Any asbestos legislation should meet certain basic fairness 
tests. Among these are: 
-- The legislation should preserve asbestos victims' 
access to the courts-- alternative dispute mechanisms should be just that-- 
voluntary alternatives to the courts. 
-- The legislation should preserve 
asbestos victims' access to counsel. 
-- Any alternative claims procedure 
should be structured to lessen the delay and uncertainty facing all parties. 
-- Any alternative claims procedure should be minimally adversarial and 
minimally legalistic. 
-- Any provisions that seek to alter the financing of 
asbestos liabilities should be comprehensive, transparent and should add to 
victims' recoveries. 
I would like to briefly discuss why H.R. 1283 is at 
odds with each of these principles. 
H.R. 1283 dramatically restricts both 
asbestos victims' access to the courts and their substantive rights under state 
law. It requires asbestos victims to file a claim with a new quasigovernmental 
agency, the Asbestos Resolution Corporation ("ARC"), and only allows victims to 
proceed once they have obtained a "certificate of medical eligibility." Without 
this certificate, a victim cannot seek justice in the courts. But having 
obtained a certificate would not be enough. H.R. 1283 would then impose 
mandatory mediation and would require the asbestos victim obtain a "release from 
mediation" certificate. Once a victim or, more likely in view of the delays 
theseprocedures would create, the victims' estate reached a court, they would be 
barred from bringing class actions, joining parties, consolidating actions, or 
aggregating claims-- all standard procedures for lessening the costs and time 
involved in tort litigation-- unless they obtained the defendants' consent. 
These procedural barriers significantly diminish asbestos victims current 
rights under state law. But the bill goes further. It would bar recovery unless 
victims could prove they had the specific medical criteria listed in the bill. 
And finally, victims would be barred from seeking punitive damages or relief for 
emotional distress, medical monitoring or surveillance, increased risk of cancer 
or other diseases. 
Ironically, as the bill shuts the courthouse doors to 
asbestos victims, it creates a new federal cause of action for asbestos 
manufacturers to bring to allocate disputed administrative costs. 
As to the 
right to counsel, we are not supportive of excessive attorneys fees, but we are 
all too well aware that unless assured of adequate risk-adjusted compensation, 
attorneys will not represent clients who are unable to pay hourly rates. H.R. 
1283 limits attorneys' fees to levels below those customarily awarded by courts 
in contingent litigation and the bars on consolidating cases effectively act as 
a barrier to economical representation of low-paid workers in asbestos cases. 
This would be appropriate if the bill envisioned a voluntary, non-adversarial 
process that allowed asbestos victims to obtain justice with limited assistance 
from counsel and limited factfinding. 
But H.R. 1283 does just the opposite. 
The certification procedure is substantively rigid and technically demanding, 
and the mediation and arbitration procedures are highly adversarial and 
procedurally dense, with financial penalties for taking certain procedural and 
substantive positions in the process. No one would be well advised to enter into 
such proceedings without counsel. To take one example, to get through mandatory 
mediation, the asbestos victim would have to provide a detailed, 
company-specific exposure history, which would be subject to challenge by 
industry counterparties. This procedure, rather than eliminating a major cause 
of litigation expense, adds to it, by requiring asbestos victims to prove their 
exposure histories twice-- once in mediation, then again in court if mediation 
fails. Ironically, this procedure appears to make no sense if the Act's 
intention is to address the enormous transaction costs of attempting to 
precisely prove all the sources of each individual victim's asbestos exposure. 
Finally, as to financing, to the extent H.R. 1283 acts to limit the 
liability of asbestos manufacturers, it may merely succeed in transferring that 
liability to employers under the workers' compensation system, and to workers' 
health funds. Where the federal government is the employer, as is the case in 
federal shipyards, this will result in a direct transfer of financial 
responsibility from the asbestos manufacturers to the federal government. Where 
the employer is a federal contractor, such as in the private shipbuilding 
industry, the transfer will be indirect, butjust as real. While there may be a 
role for the federal government in assisting asbestos victims, it should not be 
to use federal dollars to substitute for asbestos manufacturer dollars. In 
addition, H.R. 1283 does not meet the comprehensiveness test to the extent that 
it fails to address issues such as the failure of the insurance industry to 
honor its contractual commitments to the asbestos manufacturers. 
There has 
been much discussion of the relationship of H.R. 1283 and its predecessors to 
the Amchem settlement. The crucial difference between the two is that the Amchem 
settlement was voluntary, this legislation is not. The AFL-CIO affiliates who 
were involved in the Amchem settlement negotiations oppose H.R. 1283. 
The 
AFL-CIO's opposition to H.R. 1283 should not be interpreted to mean that we 
believe the current state of affairs in asbestos litigation is optimal. We are 
deeply concerned about the collusion of certain attorneys and asbestos 
manufacturers in "screening programs" that settle cases for workers exposed to 
asbestos before they know whether they will suffer serious health consequences. 
But rather than proceed in the direction laid out in H.R. 1283, the AFL-CIO 
believes the Committee would be better served by examining the approach now 
being worked out between the industry and plaintiffs' representatives in 
Louisiana. In that state, representatives of some of the major asbestos 
manufacturers like Owens-Illinois and Owens- Corning and the attorneys 
representing a majority of Louisiana claimants have worked out a voluntary case 
resolutionsystem. This system defines three levels of claims, and sets payment 
levels for each type of claim, together with provisions allowing for higher 
level claims if the applicants' condition worsens. It creates certainty for all 
parties that is absent from the procedures in H.R. 1283. Though entirely 
voluntary, it allows for victims to receive certain and immediate payments, and 
for defendant companies to accurately estimate their exposure to claims. 
We 
believe a program like this would be the appropriate context for limiting 
attorneys fees, since participants in this program would not need extensive 
adversarial representation or need to engage in time- consuming discovery. 
Similarly, the Louisiana program should do much to address the screening abuses, 
as it provides rights to additional compensation to those who have been exposed 
to asbestos but have not yet become ill. 
A copy of the Louisiana agreement 
is attached to my written testimony. 
Any voluntary national program along 
these lines would have to address certain issues that do not arise in a single 
state- such as the variation in award levels from state to state. It would also 
need to be constructed on the understanding that for a voluntary ADR program to 
succeed, it must offer value to both sides in potential litigation-- value in 
the form of mutually reduced costs and reduced uncertainty. Such a program 
cannot merely be a vehicle for irresponsible elements in the industry to 
continue to fight core liability issues that have really long been settled in 
the hope of winning incremental victories through delay.Before I close, I would 
like to make two larger systemic points. This Committee in considering whether 
to create exceptions to state tort law, should be mindful of the incentives it 
creates for industrial decision makers. I am sure the Committee would not want 
to suggest to business executives making decisions in the future that if the 
scale of the risk their product poses is truly awe inspiring, Congress will step 
in to save them from the consequences of their actions under state tort law. 
In addition, the AFL-CIO has always opposed efforts to deny working families 
access to state courts. The most recent such effort was defeated last year in 
the Senate.-' H.R. 1283's mandatory provisions are in effect an effort at 
tort reform one class of plaintiffs at a time. We oppose 
so-called tort reform both in aggregate and in bite sized 
pieces. 
In conclusion, the AFL-CIO and its affiliates are ready to work with 
all concerned parties, and especially with this Committee, to seek creative 
solutions in this area that are respectful of the rights of asbestos victims. We 
thank you for the opportunity to testify here today. 
NOTES: 
1 Esteban 
Ortiz et. al v. Fibreboard Corporation et. al., No. 97-1704 (1999). See The 
Report of the Judicial Conference Ad Hoc Committee on Asbestos Litigation (March 
1991); Amchem Products, Inc. v. Windsor, 138 L. Ed. 2d 689, at 716 (1997). 
2 
The Products Liability Reform Act of 1997, S. 648.. END 
LOAD-DATE: July 2, 1999