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Myths
About Diversity Jurisdiction Legislation
Myth: This legislation is unnecessary
because there is no class action crisis.
Fact: The number of class action
suits in state courts has exploded in recent years because trial
lawyers increasingly are exploiting and abusing the class action
device in a number of states. This bill will curb the state court
abuses by moving certain class actions into federal courts, which
more consistently decide such complex cases and are better equipped
to deal with them fairly and efficiently. Moreover, this legislation
will move interstate cases, the types of cases that the Framers of
the Constitution intended to be heard in federal court, into the
hands of federal court judges who best are positioned to interpret
multiple state laws.
Myth: The legislation will federalize
all class actions.
Fact: The legislation will only
allow the removal of cases of an interstate nature, i.e., when a
multi-state plaintiff class or diversity between the plaintiff and
defendants exists. The legislation would not affect solely
intrastate matters and provides a mechanism for federal courts to
send back cases which more appropriately belong in state court
including intrastate and local cases, small scope cases (less than
100 plaintiffs or worth less than $1 million) and cases in which a
state is a defendant.
Myth: The legislation would deny states
the ability to regulate class actions.
Fact: Under the legislation, states
would still have the ability to regulate class actions involving
their citizens and corporations in their state. The state law
applicable to the substantive claim will not change. The legislation
simply would allow removal of class actions with diverse plaintiff
classes and defendants, exactly the types of cases that should be
heard in federal court. The Framers of the Constitution created
diversity jurisdiction specifically to protect out of state parties
from bias in foreign state courts. States should be able to regulate
the conduct of out-of-state businesses operating in their state, but
out-of-state parties should be protected from potential bias of
state courts.
Myth: The legislation will overload the
federal judiciary.
Fact: This legislation will lead to
a minimal increase in the federal caseload because (1) plaintiff's
attorneys will be less likely to file frivolous cases, (2)
non-meritorious cases will be more quickly weeded out, and (3)
duplicative and overlapping cases will be consolidated under the
Federal Multidistrict Litigation process. The ability to consolidate
duplicative and competing cases will actually reduce the workload of
state courts that are currently forced to hear similar cases because
no mechanism exists to combine them.
Myth: The legislation is an attempt to
end all class actions and close the courthouse doors.
Fact: This legislation is entirely
procedural and has no substantive effect on a plaintiff's claim. The
legislation does not change the ability of states to pass laws to
protect their citizens, does not reduce the access of any plaintiffs
to a judicial remedy for their injuries and does not change the
substantive legal rights of plaintiffs. Specifically, the
legislation only determines whether a state or federal court will
hear a case, not which substantive law will be applied. The
legislation includes a clarification that it does not change the
"choice of law" analysis to determine which state's laws should be
applied to hear a claim. Finally, even if a federal court is unable
to certify the case as a class action, the plaintiff could still
pursue his/her claim. Under the House bill, the federal court could
either retain jurisdiction over the case, or dismiss it and allow
the plaintiff to re-file in state court with the statute of
limitations tolled. Under the Senate bill, the class allegations
would be removed and the case would be remanded to state court where
the plaintiff could try to form a new class.
Myth: This legislation will give
special treatment to tobacco companies and firearms
manufacturers
Fact: The legislation applies
equally to defendants regardless of their business or product, just
as all other federal laws apply equally to all parties. Singling out
any specific industry for lesser protection under the laws would be
an unconstitutional bill of attainder.
Regardless, there is no evidence that
class action claims against tobacco companies or firearms
manufacturers are treated better or worse in federal court. Most
major tobacco litigation would not be affected because most of the
suits thus far have been brought by state attorneys-general on
behalf of a state. Moreover, the record for tobacco class actions is
mixed. Class actions have been certified in state and federal
courts, and have been denied certification in state and federal
courts.
The evidence in litigation against gun
manufacturers indicates that federal courts are just as favorable,
if not more favorable, to plaintiffs. The most significant suit
brought against gun manufacturers thus far, Hamilton v.
Accu-Tek, was actually brought in federal court. It is absurd
to argue that federal courts will not fairly or efficiently decide
suits against gun manufacturers when the plaintiffs in the most
significant suit thus far have chosen to litigate in federal court.
Myth: The legislation will deny
plaintiffs their day in court.
Fact: This bill has no impact on
substantive rights. If an action fairly meets the law's
requirements, then a group of plaintiffs can proceed with their
lawsuits in one action - a class action. If the lawsuit fails to
meet federal certification requirements, the plaintiff would still
be able to proceed with his/her claim and would have the opportunity
to form a new class. No plaintiff's claim would be
barred.
Myth: States will be denied the ability
to enforce their laws because federal courts may deny certification
in a suit that would have been certified under state
standards.
Fact: A premise of this bill is
that class actions involving plaintiffs from multiple states or
defendants from out of state should be certifiable only in federal
court under the federal certification standard. Plaintiffs lawyers
should be prevented from taking advantage of lax certification
standards in one state to bring a class action with class members
from multiple states when the class would not be certified under the
other states' laws or under federal law. This results in a "race to
the bottom" where the states with the lowest standards become
magnets for class actions. By allowing the certification of
multi-state classes on bases that have no parallel foundation in
federal court, the forum state interprets and dictates the law of
the states in which the other class members reside. This is a
mutation of federalism that deserves to be redressed.
It does not make sense that a state
court judge elected by voters of one state should hear a suit
involving plaintiff class members of other states who have not
consented to that suit. The state court judge is accountable only to
a small percentage of the class members in such an action. A federal
judge should hear such a case.
Myth: Without the threat posed by class
actions, corporations will disregard consumer rights.
Fact: This argument is a red
herring foremost because corporations will continue to be subjected
to properly certified multi-state class actions under this bill.
Moreover, it completely ignores the reality of corporate behavior.
Government agencies, concern for consumer loyalty, business ethics
and pressure from other businesses, potential lawsuits, and
white-collar crime prosecution are all factors that provide strong
incentives for corporations to behave lawfully.
NAM STAFF CONTACT: Lawrence Fineran,
(202) 637-3174, lfineran@nam.org, Resources,
Environment & Regulation Policy Department
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