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10-23-1999

CONGRESS: Pivotal Events in Congress, October 18-21

Budget Summit, Take One

Don't "spend" the Social Security surplus. That was the agreement reached on Oct. 19 between President Clinton and a bipartisan group of congressional leaders at the White House as they searched for a fiscal 2000 budget endgame. The Republicans thought that a tobacco tax increase, sought by Clinton to help pay for his spending priorities, was dead, especially considering the House's 419-0 defeat of the proposal on Oct. 19. But the President insisted that less could still be more. "I still believe that it would be good health policy to have a more modest increase," Clinton said the next day. He also promised to withhold his signature for a while from the remaining appropriations bills, to preserve maximum maneuvering room. "Let's look at all these bills together, see where we are and where we need to go," he told reporters. Republicans, however, prefer to work on the bills individually, and have repeatedly emphasized their desire not to bundle them into one omnibus measure. White House budget officials will continue meeting with key congressional appropriators into next week to chisel compromises. Still looming is the problem of how to leave the Social Security trust fund untouched, although Republicans have plenty of budget gimmicks up their sleeves.--Alexis Simendinger/National Journal

Continuing Resolution, Take Two

The House and Senate on Oct. 19 passed the second continuing resolution of the budget season, this one to keep the federal government running through Oct. 29 while appropriators and Clinton Administration officials haggle over funding for specific programs. As the first CR expired on Oct. 21, President Clinton had signed six of the 13 fiscal 2000 appropriations bills and vetoed two others. Four other bills were ready, or nearly ready, for the President to consider. House Republicans appeared poised to boost funding for education in an attempt to ease some of the tension over the remaining appropriations bill, the one covering the Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education departments. But differences persist over specific programs in that bill. --David Baumann/National Journal

Campaign Reform Is Dead Again

The Senate killed campaign finance reform legislation when it voted on Oct. 19 not to limit debate on two reform measures. "It's dead for the year," Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., declared after the vote. But Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Russell Feingold, D-Wis., said they did not get the full debate they were promised on their reform bill, and may still try to tack it onto other legislation this year. "We intend to exercise every option we can conceive," McCain said. "We never give up on this issue." Reformers fell seven votes short of the 60 needed to end debate on the McCain-Feingold bill; they called it an improvement over the 52 votes they won last year on a more comprehensive bill. Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., the chief reform opponent, called the Senate action a defeat for the "speech police" and a victory for the First Amendment. Reps. Christopher Shays, R-Conn.--who with Rep. Martin T. Meehan, D-Mass., pushed House reform legislation to passage--predicted it would take a huge campaign finance scandal to move Congress to change the system. "We have all been corrupted by a system that is compromising our integrity and our values," Shays said. --Mark Wegner/CongressDaily

Banking Reform Is Not Dead Yet

House-Senate conferees negotiating financial services modernization moved on Oct. 21 toward completing a bill, despite warnings from the White House that President Clinton would issue a veto because of its Community Reinvestment Act provisions. Late on Oct. 20, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Phil Gramm, R-Texas, offered the White House compromise CRA language, but that proposal barely made the trip down Pennsylvania Avenue before it was rejected. Unfazed, Gramm has suggested that he would not mind revisiting the legislation in 2001, when he believes Texas GOP Gov. George W. Bush, a friend of his, will be in the White House. But House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., reportedly sent a message to House Banking Committee Chairman Jim Leach, R-Iowa, reiterating his desire for the legislation to move forward, minus a veto threat. Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., is said to be firmly behind Gramm and supportive of his decisions in the conference. --Pamela Barnett/CongressDaily

Senate Revisits Abortion Debate

The Senate on Oct. 21 approved legislation to ban "partial-birth" abortions by a 63-34 vote, short of the 67 votes that would be needed to overturn a veto. It was the Senate's third debate on the bill since 1995. Sen. Rick Santorum, R-Pa., and other backers of the ban were looking to the eight new Senators sworn in last January for the additional votes they need to enact the measure over the objections of President Clinton. The House has twice voted to override Clinton vetoes of the ban, while the Senate has twice failed--in 1998, by just three votes--to muster the two-thirds needed to override. Last month, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 8th Circuit struck down as unconstitutional prohibitions on the procedure in Arkansas, Iowa, and Nebraska. And the American Medical Association has rescinded its endorsement of the measure. --Julie Rovner/CongressDaily

House Haggles Over Education

Republicans and Democrats competed for political bragging rights on education issues as the House on Oct. 21 passed, 358-67, a consensus bill to overhaul federal education aid for disadvantaged students, and prepared to take up a divisive GOP proposal to allow some states to convert federal education programs into block grants. The bipartisan bill (H.R. 2) to reauthorize Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act reflected major compromises by both parties. Democrats won floor victories when the House agreed to continue the 25-year-old Women's Educational Equity Act and to increase Title I funds by $1.5 billion. But lawmakers share little common ground on the block-grants bill (H.R. 2300), called the "Straight A's" Act. Republicans said the bill would reduce federal red tape and sharpen the focus on student achievement. Democrats protested that it would eliminate the targeting of aid to the neediest students.--Molly M. Peterson/National Journal News Service

Taking a Hike on the Minimum Wage

The proposal to raise the minimum wage and give businesses $36 billion in tax breaks to help with higher payroll costs ran into trouble this week in the House. First, about a dozen Republican moderates told leaders they wanted the $1 per-hour wage increase to take effect in two, rather than three, years. They also objected to some of the two dozen tax cuts included in the bipartisan bill offered by Rep. Rick A. Lazio, R-N.Y. Then, the Ways and Means Committee asserted its prerogative to consider tax legislation, especially since the Lazio measure raised a few questions among committee members, although the panel postponed a markup. The challenge for GOP leaders is keeping some Democrats on board the Lazio bill, while preventing moderates in their own party from signing onto an alternative wage increase proposal offered by Minority Whip David E. Bonior, D-Mich. That measure has only a quarter of the tax relief contained in the Lazio bill, and the business community opposes it.--Stephen Norton/CongressDaily

The Week Ahead

Here is the outlook for legislative activity during the week of Oct. 25:

HOUSE

The floor schedule for the House, as well as the Senate, remained in flux because of the drive to complete the appropriations bills by Oct. 26, the target set by President Clinton and congressional leaders.

SENATE

In addition to continuing work on appropriations, action is expected on trade legislation dealing with the Caribbean Basin and Africa.

CongressDaily's Final Word

"Y'all come back."

--Sen. Phil Gramm, R-Texas, speaking to White House officials and key lawmakers as they left his hideaway office around midnight on Oct. 18 after lengthy and intense negotiations over the financial services reform bill

Jill Graham and Charlie Mitchell National Journal
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