Copyright 1999 Gannett Company, Inc.   
USA TODAY 
October 28, 1999, Thursday, FINAL EDITION 
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 16A 
LENGTH: 753 words 
HEADLINE: 
High court may weigh in on attempts to ban 'partial-birth' 
abortion 
BYLINE: Martin Kasindorf 
BODY: 
The four-year political and judicial storm 
over attempts to ban 
a controversial abortion method is veering toward the 
U.S. Supreme 
Court. 
A federal appeals court in Chicago on 
Tuesday upheld Wisconsin 
and Illinois laws criminalizing the late-pregnancy 
medical procedure 
that doctors call intact dilation and extraction. Abortion 
opponents 
call the method partial-birth abortion. 
The decision by the 7th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals conflicts 
with a Sept. 24 ruling in another appeals court, for the 8th Circuit, 
that struck down similar bans in Iowa, Nebraska and Arkansas. 
Often, but 
not always, the Supreme Court will take a case to resolve 
this sort of 
conflict between federal circuits. The American Civil 
Liberties Union, which 
was on the losing side in the Chicago ruling, 
says it plans to start the 
Supreme Court appeal process within 
days. Nebraska is considering an appeal 
from its loss before the 
8th Circuit. 
At issue is a procedure in 
which a doctor partially moves a fetus 
from the uterus into the birth canal. 
A surgical tool is used 
to make an incision in the skull. The skull's 
contents are drained 
and the fetus is delivered, dead. 
In 1995, 
conservatives in Congress introduced legislation that 
would ban the 
late-term abortion method nationwide, with an exception 
if the mother's life 
were at stake. Congress passed such a bill 
twice, in 1996 and 1997, and each 
time President Clinton vetoed 
it and Congress failed to override his veto. 
The Senate passed 
the bill again last week by a 63-34 vote, short of the 67 
needed 
to beat a third threatened veto. 
Beginning with Michigan 
in 1996, 30 states have enacted similar 
bans. In 18 states, courts have 
declared the laws unconstitutional 
or have restricted their enforcement. 
Usually, judges have invalidated 
the laws on grounds that they are so 
vaguely written that doctors 
would fear performing almost any abortion 
procedure. 
The 7th Circuit, on a 5-4 vote, acknowledged that the 
Illinois 
and Wisconsin laws were broadly worded enough to potentially cover 
commonly used and plainly legal methods. In an unusual twist, 
the court 
handed the case back to federal district courts and 
ordered them to issue 
"precautionary injunctions" strictly limiting 
prosecutions to the tightly 
specified "dilation and extraction." 
"If this approach would 
nonetheless be an example of brute force 
used to save a statute--well, 
courts do it all the time," wrote 
Judge Frank Easterbrook, the author of the 
majority opinion. 
Wisconsin's law, one of the nation's most severe, 
authorizes life 
imprisonment for a doctor performing the banned procedure. 
After the go-ahead, which is to take effect in 19 days, Illinois 
and Wisconsin will join 10 other states where bans are in force. 
The 
other states: Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, North Dakota, 
Oklahoma, South 
Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Virginia and 
Utah. 
With 
challenges to the bans working their way through five additional 
federal 
circuit courts, both sides in the controversy expect the 
Supreme Court to 
agree to hear the politically charged question. 
Kate Michelman, 
president of the National Abortion and Reproductive 
Rights Action League 
(NARAL), worries that if the conservative-led 
Supreme Court upholds the 
state bans, the ruling could water down 
the court's landmark 1973 Roe 
vs. Wade abortion rights 
decision. 
"If the court hears 
arguments in the year 2000," she says, "I 
think it will bring to the 
forefront of the (presidential) political 
debate the threat to Roe vs. 
Wade." Simon Heller, a lawyer 
for the pro-abortion rights Center for 
Reproductive Law and Policy 
in New York, is less worried. "I think the court 
is likely to 
find these statutes unconstitutional in the end," he says, 
because 
Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy, both centrists, 
will look askance at Judge Easterbrook's attempt to mend the broadly 
written laws with court injunctions. 
"If the court takes the 
approach of Judge Easterbrook," Heller 
says, "it means . . . states can pick 
and choose the rights they 
want to enforce and will be able to do it in 
broad, vague language." 
Doug Johnson, legislative director of the 
National Right to Life 
Committee, welcomes the prospect of a Supreme Court 
hearing. "As 
bad and destructive as Roe vs. Wade has been, even the 
Supreme Court has never said there is a right to deliver an infant 
and 
then stab her through the head with surgical scissors." 
LOAD-DATE: October 28, 1999