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12-07-2002

FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Fidel's Prisoners, Trade, and Uncle Ben's

Ricardo Alarcon is one of the most powerful leaders in Fidel Castro's
Cuba. Speaker of Cuba's National Assembly, Alarcon is also the Communist
island nation's former ambassador to the United Nations. Alarcon, 65, is a
longtime ally of Castro, whose authoritarian regime has controlled Cuba
since 1959. Veteran correspondent Lee Michael Katz interviewed Alarcon on
November 14. In the edited excerpts that follow, Alarcon discusses
everything from the U.S. trade embargo to political prisoners in his
country.

NJ: The U.N. General Assembly, by 173-3, just voted again in favor of lifting U.S. sanctions against Cuba. Is there something different about the resolution this year?

Alarcon: It has a special meaning-because this year, this resolution expressed what could safely be described as a majority of the American people, the farmers, and the majority in the House of Representatives that voted on several proposals that would lift the embargo. Something new also this year was the creation of the Cuba Working Group, a bipartisan group in the House.

The other interesting point this year is that the U.S. representative to the U.N. spoke and-quite obviously-was not very successful, because the negative votes were exactly the same: the United States, Israel, and the Marshall Islands. The positive votes increased by seven, with practical unanimity from the international community. Every European country voted for it. Clearly, it's a constant source of disagreement reiterated year after year.

By the way, Israel is very loyal to the United States and I can understand that, but Israel doesn't implement the embargo. We have Israeli investment in Cuba. The United States cannot be more isolated in this case.

NJ: Is it significant that Minnesota's incoming Republican senator, Norm Coleman, took a position against the U.S. trade embargo in the campaign?

Alarcon: A number of Republicans very loyal to their president simply disagree on that issue. Why? Because legislators have to reflect the views of their constituencies, and particularly in the farm states, there is a clear sentiment against the embargo.

But the administration has been pretty clear. The president announced he would veto any proposal to change the present policy. I am certain that policy will have to be changed someday. The sooner, the better.

NJ: What was the significance of the U.S. agricultural products fair held in Cuba in September-the first in at least 40 years?

Alarcon: Farmers from 33 states plus D.C. and Puerto Rico-more than 300 firms-were there. It was a show of friendship. Also, Cubans could see goods they remember from the past. The long-grain rice that was very popular was imported from the States, for example. Younger Cubans cannot remember, because they have lived their entire life with the embargo.

NJ: Do you remember the brand of rice?

Alarcon: In the old days, there was a popular brand, I think Uncle Ben's. It might be unfair for competitors, but that one had very good publicity.

NJ: Do you think, perhaps, that any change in U.S.-Cuba relations might be driven not from Washington, but from America's grassroots-farmers, agribusiness, trading interests, humanitarian and church communities?

Alarcon: I don't think those Americans who went down there were trying to defy their government, their laws. They were exercising the legitimate interests of farmers to sell. They remember the good old days when they had, 90 miles from their shore, an important market-which has now doubled in population.

But we are living through a clear paradox at the time when more people are expressing themselves in favor of at least softening the policy. For the first time, you have a number of individuals from a very narrow segment of the Cuban-American community-this mafia from Miami, who are most aggressive in terms of promoting hostility toward Cuban soil-occupying key positions. In the case of Mr. Reich, this is well known. [Otto Reich is special envoy to Latin America and was previously assistant secretary of State.] But he is not alone. All of them came from the same bunch of extreme right-wingers in the Cuban-American community.

NJ: Those people would say that any support for Cuba is helping a repressive dictatorship.

Alarcon: But we are not asking for any aid from your side. I have nothing against this administration extending its love for failed policies with the entire country. But are American taxpayers aware that somebody gave those positions to people who are only dedicated to fighting the Cuban government?

NJ: Do you see the Cuban-American community changing over time, with the influence of younger generations that did not flee the Castro regime?

Alarcon: Yes, regarding the new generation. But I also want to make it clear that this is not just a generation gap. These people who went to Washington have been speaking out-their views have changed. They are people of my generation or older. Among those people also are very well-known exiles from the previous generation, former leaders of the Bay of Pigs.

NJ: Recently, eight people flew a crop duster out of Cuba and sought asylum in the United States. They'll be able to stay here, but are you seeking the plane's return?

Alarcon: Of course. The plane doesn't belong to you. It's our plane. We have an agreement that I signed personally in New York in 1994 by which the United States committed to do whatever is necessary to fight against the hijacking of planes. But now, if it can be useful for publicity against Cuba, planes can enter your airspace illegally.

I don't think it is good for the American people, particularly in these days when Americans are so concerned about their security against terrorists, to send the message that you may play games with airplanes entering your territory without permission. My friendly, neighborly advice is, please don't do that. For your own sake.

I don't want to be rude with President Bush. I prefer to quote him. I really love one of these phrases he has repeated: Those who harbor a terrorist are as guilty as the terrorist himself. Fine. He should have this phrase engraved in every room in the White House and read it from time to time.

NJ: Recently, the United States expelled four Cuban diplomats, saying they were engaging in activities "harmful" to the United States-presumably spying. Will Cuba retaliate by expelling U.S. diplomats from Havana?

Alarcon: You said that's what normally happens, but I have reason to believe what Mr. Reich wanted is exactly that. He would like to have Americans expelled from Havana, Cubans expelled from Washington. No farmers going down, no rice being sold to Cuba-any sort of relations. That's the aim of these people. We are not going to play their game. At the same time, we are going to respond, but not necessarily in the manner he may be trying to provoke.

NJ: Human Rights Watch, hardly an administration group, reported that, as a one-party state, "Cuba restricted nearly all avenues of political dissent." Clearly, Cuba doesn't have free media, free political debate, free speech.

Alarcon: According to your view, maybe. It depends on the concept of freedom, and freedom of expression, debate, and so on.

NJ: Under your view, do you think Cuba has free speech?

Alarcon: In a different manner, we have freedom you don't have. American workers can lose their job at any moment without being consulted. You can't do that in Cuba. You have to discuss every proposal in the economic area with the participation of everybody. Millions of Americans should have the right to discover what is a union.

NJ: Human-rights groups say there are hundreds of political prisoners in Cuba.

Alarcon: Regarding prisoners, it is true that we have prisoners. Not as many as Miami propaganda tries to have you believe.

NJ: You were presented a petition for political and economic reforms, called the Varela project. Why didn't the National Assembly debate the issue? If Cuba is an open society, why didn't you accept this petition?

Alarcon: The international media is filled with constitutional law experts. But the funny thing is, everybody referred to the constitution of my country obviously without having read it. It is simply not true that 10,000 signatures can oblige me to call for a plebiscite to change the foundations of the political and economic bases of the country. How many signatures would you need, for example, for Americans who do not have health insurance, which I believe are more than 40 million, to have that enshrined in the Constitution as a right?

NJ: So, you're saying the signatures, there's a technical reason...?

Alarcon: No technical reason. The most basic principle of legality in the world, in any country on this planet-I don't know if in another part of the solar system there is a different thing-is you cannot pass a law that contradicts the constitution. We are not a tribe that may be pushed around by foreign propaganda, so that a foreign country can decide how the country should behave and invent its constitution.

Apart from that, have you counted the signatures? Have you seen them? I have no guarantee whatsoever that those signatures, first, are legitimate. That's not my function, to validate signatures.

NJ: U.S. officials, including Mr. Reich, have said that Cuba is developing biological weapons capability. What is your response?

Alarcon: Those are vicious slanders of a professional liar. But President Carter deserves, by far, more respect than those guys. He said publicly before going to Cuba that he asked the CIA, the National Security Council, specifically Mr. Reich, and the State Department, if there was any truth about those allegations. The answer was no.

NJ: What did President Carter's recent visit mean to Cuba?

Alarcon: His visit contributed in terms of better understanding, from such an important person like a president. By the way, it was not a new thing. We had contact with him for a number of years, and he knew that he would be welcome in Cuba.

NJ: Still, the United States has opposed the Cuban government virtually since Castro took over in 1959. When do you think this could change?

Alarcon: They may be missing the last opportunity they have, because it will really be like a joke: talking about an embargo that nobody believes in.

Lee Michael Katz National Journal
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