Copyright 2002 eMediaMillWorks, Inc.
(f/k/a Federal
Document Clearing House, Inc.)
Federal Document Clearing House
Congressional Testimony
February 27, 2002 Wednesday
SECTION: CAPITOL HILL HEARING TESTIMONY
LENGTH: 3765 words
COMMITTEE:
HOUSE FINANCIAL SERVICES
HEADLINE:
NEED FOR FEDERAL
TERRORISM INSURANCE ASSISTANCE
TESTIMONY-BY: ALICE D. SCHROEDER,, SENIOR
AFFILIATION: U.S. NONLIFE EQUITY INSURANCE ANALYST,
MORGAN STANLEY
BODY: Honorable Sue Kelly,
Chairwoman on "How Much Are Americans at Risk Until Congress Passes
Terrorism Insurance Protection"
February 27, 2002
Statement of
Alice D. Schroeder, Senior U.S. Nonlife Equity
Insurance Analyst, Morgan Stanley
Senior US Equity Nonlife Insurance
Analyst, Morgan Stanley
Good afternoon, Chairwoman Kelly, ranking member
Gutierrez, and members of the Committee. My name is Alice Schroeder, and I am
the senior US non-life insurance equity research analyst for Morgan Stanley. I
appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today. As an equity analyst, my
research serves the needs of investors who buy insurance stocks. Therefore, my
perspective is that of an observer of the industry. I would like to cover four
main points today:
- The landscape of risk how the financial values that
are exposed to
terrorism are concentrated, and the extent to
which they are being insured.
-The likely extent of economic disruption
as available
insurance capacity is exhausted.
-
Responses to
terrorism risk from the capital markets, including
rating agencies and securities analysts.
- The adequacy of
insurance capital to handle
terrorism risk,
and why
insurance prices are rising.
The Landscape of
Risk
Distribution of economic value. We started by reviewing the
landscape of risk where economic values exposed to terrorism are concentrated.
You can roughly describe the risk as falling into the categories of "people" and
"property."
- The risk associated with human lives obviously extends far
beyond economic value.
However, as a simple example, a proxy for the
economic cost of a single life in New York, might be $
550,000,
which is the typical combined minimal life insurance and workers' compensation
insurance paid to the victim's survivors. So an event claiming 1,000 lives might
result in $
1.5 billion or more of such direct costs, in
addition to indirect costs to the economy. This estimate also excludes
disability, liability, and other potential costs, which could be even more
significant.
- The risk to property is widespread, including buildings,
airplanes, other vehicles, cargo, inventory, equipment, homes valuable articles
and other properties. As one simple measure, the value of total commercial
property appears to be around $
7.1 trillion, distributed among
commercial banks, savings institutions, insurers, pension funds, and commercial
businesses, and investment companies. We also believe there may be significant
property exposures that are not captured by our data Sfor example, houses of
worship, monuments and public buildings.
We have performed detailed
estimates of the aggregate economic cost of larger terrorism events. This easily
could reach the hundreds of billions or even trillions of dollars, excluding
indirect impacts to the economy. While the risk of the larger events may be
lower than smaller events, no one knows exactly what that risk is. Further, we
believe that dealing with a large loss after the fact is likely to result in
inequitable outcomes.
Finally, we believe the current state of
uncertainty indirectly harms the economy by making businesses and individuals
less able to plan. While many are hoping that the government would protect them
after an attack, our discussions with businesses indicate that the uncertainty
of that outcome creates a chilling effect on the economy.
Economic
Disruption from Terrorism Risk
Response to terrorism has been to
distribute the risk. We believe the risk of terrorism, which was formerly born
largely by insurers, is now being distributed more broadly throughout the
economy.
- Property and business owners are seeking insurance coverage,
but not necessarily finding it, except for workers' compensation and life
coverages, where it is statutorily mandated. Some insureds are buying extra
coverage from the limited number of markets offering it. However, their
insurance renews year-round, so many still have coverage. Those who do not
appear to have varying levels of concern about their lack of coverage. Some are
extremely concerned, especially owners of large real estate properties. Others
appear to be assuming the risk of loss is low, or that they would be bailed out
by the government. Those who have coverage appear to take for granted that their
claims would be paid, although our analysis of the impact of state-mandated
coverages on insurer solvency suggests this is not necessarily a safe
assumption.
- Lenders have two exposures: real estate loans and loans
secured by collateral that could be damaged by terrorism. Lenders' main exposure
would be default risk relative to their capital bases. Lenders also have shown
varying degrees of concern about lack of coverage in their portfolios, which
appears to relate to their business mix. We understand that some lenders are
requiring insurance, whereas others have begun to ask borrowers to explicitly
self-insure for this risk. Still others are not enforcing insurance covenants
and appear to be living with the risk.
- Primary insurers have generally
concluded that the risk exposes them to potential insolvency. They appear to be
taking a variety of steps to reduce this exposure: 1) nonrenewing coverage for
"skyline assets" and other obviously exposed properties; 2) attempting to reduce
the risk of large workers' compensation exposures by nonrenewing some customers;
3) excluding the risk from coverage, to the extent permitted by regulators; 4)
gathering data to better assess exposures; 5) developing models to measure
exposures; 6) selling insurance on a "nonadmitted" basis, which may permit
coverage exclusions where they are otherwise not permitted. One insurer is
reportedly planning to sue the state of California for not allowing exclusions,
and exposing it to insolvency. We cannot quantify the degree of nonrenewals.
However, insurers tell us that they generally are not assuming significant
terrorism risk from "target properties," such as large urban risks and power
plants, unless required to do so by regulators.
- In their role as risk
aggregators, nearly all reinsurers appear to have chosen to exclude the risk, so
that they can separately underwrite an amount of terrorism coverage that is
reasonable relative to their capital bases.
- State regulators in key
states (New York, Florida, California and potentially, Illinois) are mandating
that insurers provide coverage. In the majority of industrial states, state laws
require that fire following an act of
terrorism must be
covered. State laws also require that workers compensation and life
insurance coverages include
terrorism risk.
Accordingly, customers by law are receiving some
insurance
protection, although the amount varies. To avoid assuming the risk, some
insurers are using nonstandard policy forms which may not be subject to these
laws.
Redistribution does not reduce risk. Mathematically, the efforts
of customers and insurers collectively will not protect the economy against
terrorism. The risk has only been redistributed among the various affected
parties. In the process, we believe that some implicit assumptions might be made
by some about what would happen if another terrorist attack occurred. These
include the assumptions that 1) the federal government would provide essentially
unlimited post-event funding; 2) such funding would be in proportion to economic
losses incurred, regardless of insurance coverage; 3) any capital destroyed by
the event, as well as debt such as insurance claims would be paid by the
government; 4) the attack would be considered an act of war; and 5) terrorism
exclusions imposed in "nonadmitted" policies would be upheld, if challenged in
court. We do not believe these assumptions can necessarily be taken for granted.
Extent of economic disruption. We can identify at least four reasons why
there has not been more evidence of economic disruption. First, insurance
policies renew throughout the year, and many customers have not experienced 2002
renewals yet. Second, some exposed parties appear to be assessing their
individual odds of being attacked as low, hoping for the best. Third, some
exposed parties appear to be counting on Congress to pass a bill or provide
post-event funding. Finally, insurers have shown more restraint than we expected
in nonrenewing customers. We attribute this to fear of competition, fear of
being downgraded by rating agencies, and a desire not to create friction with
customers. We believe it is important to separate economic disruption from panic
behavior. Because exposed parties are using various coping strategies to
minimize panic behavior, there has been a perception in some quarters that no
economic disruption is occurring. On the contrary, we believe that transfer of a
significant risk from insurers to customers by definition is a meaningful
economic disruption.
Even if every exposed party assesses its own odds
of loss as low, collectively, the risk remains in the economy. We commend the
Congress for its efforts to address this issue, and encourage you to work toward
closure.
Economic disruption may worsen. We believe the complaints about
economic disruption may worsen. Many
insurance policies have
not yet renewed, and thus continue to cover
terrorism, but that
is temporary. Some limited
insurance capacity also is available
for
terrorism. However, it appears this capacity is being used
by customers whose policies renew early in the year. Although more capacity will
likely be developed, we do not believe it will meet demand. Accordingly,
customers whose renewals occur later are likely to find that capacity is
exhausted.
Terrorism risk not underwritable yet. In general, we believe
that insurers may be, in the aggregate, under-estimating risks from locations
other than so-called "target" properties.
While the individual odds of
an attack on other properties may be low, in total, those odds may be much
higher. To date, terrorists have not behaved predictably, and no study we have
seen suggests that they will do so. We do not believe insurers have a reasonable
basis for underwriting the risk at this time. At best, they can limit the amount
of capital they expose to the risk. Although insurers are beginning to gather
data, as indicated by former CIA Director Robert Gates in a recent speech, it
may be at least five years before risk falls and experience rises to the level
at which insurers can adequately underwrite terrorism.
Responses to
Terrorism Risk in the Capital Markets
Rating agencies expressed concern,
but have not downgraded: Rating agencies expressed concern about terrorism risk
in the fall of 2001. In general, rating agencies commented on the potential
rating threat, in the absence of legislation, to corporates, other bond issuers,
and insurers. However, since the legislation failed to pass, rating agencies
have not downgraded bond or debt issuers or insurers.
Regarding the
approach to issuers, we believe the rating agencies are approaching this issue
similarly to the way risk-bearing enterprises are viewing it. That is, they are
assessing the risk for each issuer based on probabilities. Putting aside the
lack of frequency data or other means to assess probabilities, the large number
of potential targets of terrorism by itself ensures that, mathematically, the
risk to most individual issuers can be described as low by rating agency
standards. Accordingly, there appears to be an ironic outcome.
-
Although there have been a number of instances since September 11 in which the
federal government has declared a "high alert" for terrorism based on specific
evidence of planned attacks, the collective impact on ratings of terrorism risk
has been nil.
- Based on rating agency comments in the fall of 2001, we
would have expected that at least some businesses that lack
terrorism
insurance would have been deemed high enough risk by rating agencies to
warrant downgrades or negative outlooks. Likewise, we would have expected some
action on insurer ratings.
- It may be that the rating agencies are
waiting for Congress to act, or are continuing to analyze the situation.
However, nearly 60 days into 2002, we are somewhat surprised to see no rating
consequences from terrorism.
It would be disappointing if rating
agencies analyzed terrorism risk as if it had no solvency consequences to any
issuers. We believe that claims-paying and credit ratings are heavily relied on
by investors and insurance buyers as an important signal of financial health. We
believe there is the possibility of insolvencies due to terrorism; and rating
agencies have acknowledged this risk.
Rating agencies have come under
criticism recently for their role in certain business failures, especially the
failure to act as an early warning system in the case of Enron. It is not our
intention to add to this criticism. However, we believe it would be unfortunate
if
terrorism-related impairments occurred of entities without
insurance against
terrorism, or of insurers
overexposed to
terrorism, with no warning that those entities
had exposure. This would be especially regrettable after the rating agencies
made such a good start last fall analyzing terrorism risk.
Institutional
investor concerns can be addressed through disclosure: Similar to the rating
agencies, we have not seen a dramatic response by the capital markets to this
risk. However, our conversations with institutional investors suggest that they
generally are not pleased about the degree to which their capital is being used
to assume large amounts of terrorism risk. We question whether companies would
have the same risk tolerance if their managements were putting their own
personal net worth at risk of
terrorism. The SEC is considering
the extent to which lack of
terrorism insurance should be
disclosed by risk-bearing enterprises. We understand the difficult tradeoffs
this entails.
However, we believe that investors, as the company's
owners, generally have a right to know this information.
We have
reflected terrorism risk in our own stock ratings. We downgraded the whole
sector in November in part due to this risk. We also generally are not
recommending the stocks of commercial
insurance companies that
appear to have material
terrorism exposures relative to their
market capitalization. Some stocks that we are recommending do have exposure,
but we have carefully selected our recommendations to try and protect investors
as much as possible. To reduce this exposure further, we also are recommending
that investors avoid concentrating in terrorism- exposed insurers beyond their
own risk tolerance, since individual insurer exposure, loss frequency and loss
severity are impossible for an analyst or investor to assess.
Insurance Capital Adequate to Handle
Terrorism? Some observers have suggested that insurers
are overcapitalized. We have even seen terms such as "wealthy" used to describe
the industry. Rather than relying on emotionally loaded rhetoric, we believe
Congress should consider the facts.
- Since its peak in 1999, the
capital of the US nonlife industry has declined by $
58 billion,
or 17%. This decline has come largely from the commercial lines companies.
- As a group, the commercial lines industry is producing more than
$
2 of premiums for every $
1 of economic
capital, a level at which there generally is considered to be no excess capital
under regulatory and rating agency standards.
- Reflecting this level of
capitalization, rating agencies have downgraded numerous insurers in the past
two years, and at an accelerating pace. In addition, a number of insurers have
failed or decided they cannot afford to continue in business, and others are
fighting for survival. A few examples:
! Major insurance failures
include Reliance, HIH, Independence, Frontier, Taisei, and Superior National.
! Several companies have decided to radically downsize or discontinue
their principal businesses, including Highlands, Gainsco, and Industrial Risk
Insurers, which was formerly the largest insurer of large engineered properties
in the US.
! A number of reinsurers, including Overseas Partners,
Copenhagen Re, Scandinavian Re, and Fortress Re, have discontinued operations.
Many others, such as CNA, Hartford, St. Paul, and W.R. Berkley, are downsizing
their reinsurance operations significantly.
! Rating agency actions
continue to affect insurers. Legion, a major commercial insurer, was just
downgraded to the single "B" level. The California State Compensation Fund,
which is the largest workers' compensation insurer in the US with more than a
10% national market share, recently had its rating withdrawn by Standard &
Poor's because it had fallen to such a low level. Other ratings remain on watch
and subject to further action.
! In our view, the majority of the
capital raised in 2001 by insurers was in order to maintain ratings, because
these companies had become undercapitalized.
In considering the
insurance industry's capital to withstand
terrorism risk, only the capital of the US commercial lines
industry should be considered, which we estimate at approximately
$
125 billion. This compares to estimated
terrorism exposure of $
100 billion or more
from a single event.
Why
Insurance Prices are Rising
Finally, we address the reasons for insurance price increases.
Insurers produce poor returns. To an insurance investor, accusations of
price-gouging and excess profits seem topsy-turvy. Nonlife insurers rarely earn
their cost of capital. Insurance buyers typically receive very good value for
their premiums, in our view, and periods of price adequacy are relatively rare.
Over the past 10 years, US insurers have averaged an 8.5% return on surplus,
falling to 7.4% from 1998-2000 and a loss in 2001.
This is 7.6% - 10.2%
worse than the average S&P 500 company, and equivalent to a corporate bond
yield. Yet insurance equity investors take on considerably more risk than bond
investors.
In addition, from our perspective, even these relatively low
returns were provided by two factors largely outside of the industry's control.
These were the unusually strong investment returns of the 1990s, and cost
deflation experienced by insurers during this period. These factors enabled
insurers to lower prices continually on virtually all products. Without these
factors, insurers would have lost money during the entire decade of the 1990s.
Importantly, however, both of these trends have reversed. Investment returns
have declined to more normal levels, and the industry is now grappling with
significant cost inflation. The combined impact of low investment returns and
high inflation is the most important reason for current insurance price
increases, in our view.
Prices rising for many reasons. Insurance prices
had been rising for approximately 18 months before September 11. While
terrorism losses,
terrorism risk and rising
insurance prices have become linked in the public's mind, we
believe this is misleading. Insurers seem to be pricing terrorism consistent
with the way they generally price a new hazard that is extremely difficult to
quantify and which could destroy large amounts of capital.
The price has
to be high enough to cover the insurers' almost complete lack of knowledge about
the risk of loss.
In general, there are three basic factors that drive
insurance pricing. These are the supply of capital willing to assume risk, the
demand to transfer risk via
insurance products, and the
profitability of the business.
Insurance capital to
assume
terrorism risk.
Insurance capital was
diminishing before September 11. We estimate that roughly an additional
$
50 billion was destroyed by the terrorist attack. We estimate
that more than $
35 billion of losses have already been
recognized by the industry. Part of this has not been reported in financial
statements due to accounting devices such as finite reinsurance, which appear to
have been extensively used, especially by non-US companies, to avoid reporting
September 11 claims. In addition, insured losses from large catastrophes are
virtually always underestimated in the initial months, and continue to increase
over time. Accordingly, we do not believe that credible data supports a claim
that the loss is lower than expected. We also believe it is unlikely that the
loss could be only $
35 billion, considering that known loss
estimates including finite appears to already exceed this amount, and is likely
to go higher. It has been argued that new
insurance capital
raised since September 11 should protect the economy against
terrorism. In addition to several start-up reinsurers,
undercapitalized insurers have raised money to maintain their ratings, totaling
more than $
20 billion. However, this capital is not being used
to take terrorism risk. Even if it were, $
20 billion would not
cover a fraction of the potential losses from terrorism.
Demand for
protection against risk increasing. The second factor is the demand for risk
transfer products. September 11 revealed that the risk was greater than
previously assumed. Customers and insurers also recognized that financial
exposures to terrorism needed to be measured differently. Customer exposures to
terrorism in the hundreds of billions of dollars Sor higher Smay exist, most of
which was previously covered by
insurance. Finally, other loss
events not related to
terrorism, such as Enron claims, have
indicated that both insurers and customers were assuming more risk than they
contemplated. This has increased the demand for and price of coverage by causing
both insurers and customers to become more risk-averse.
Insurers must
raise prices to prevent more insolvencies. Finally, insurers have achieved
unusually poor returns over the past four years due to underpricing. The
industry reported estimated underwriting losses of $
130 billion
in total from 1998 to 2001. We expect these losses to grow over time as insurers
recognize the impact of inflation, which does not appear to have been adequately
understood at the time these numbers were reported. These losses have
financially impaired a number of sizeable insurers.
Customers have
gotten a bargain over the last few years, and some insurers have even been
bankrupted in the process. Now, prices have to rise to allow the remaining
companies to cover their costs.
We appreciate the opportunity to provide
you with information that we hope was useful.
We would be pleased to
answer any questions you may have.
LOAD-DATE: October
20, 2002