04-20-2002

CONGRESS: The White House's Top Lobbyist

Nicholas E. Calio has considerable experience and insight into how
presidents deal with Capitol Hill. A veteran K Street lobbyist, he was
director of the White House's Office of Legislative Affairs during 1991
and `92, in the first Bush administration. Now he holds the post again and
enjoys a close-up view of President George W. Bush's relationship with
Congress. The following are edited excerpts from a March 26 National
Journal interview with Calio.


NJ: How would you assess Bush's skill in influencing members of
Congress?


Calio: He's one of the best I've ever seen when it comes to members and
bringing them to the White House. We've had 128 meetings with members at
the White House. He's gone to the Hill another seven or eight times. He
knows people. He can be funny or serious. He looks them in the eye,
listens to what they say, and gives direct answers. And he knows how and
when to close a deal.


NJ: How much have you been able to accomplish legislatively, especially
since September 11?


Calio: I think a lot. We have proposed and pushed all of the following: a
good budget, tax cuts, education reform, a faith-based initiative, energy,
trade-promotion authority, Medicare reform with a prescription drug
benefit, and increased defense spending. The energy bill has been stuck in
the Senate because, when there was a potential agreement in committee, the
majority leader yanked it from the chairman. The same thing happened on
the stimulus and terrorism insurance bills. If Trent Lott was still
majority leader, a lot of these bills would already be law-including
trade-promotion authority, the Andean trade agreement, and Section 245
immigration reform. If we could control the Senate's schedule, we would
get a lot more done.


NJ: How much criticism do you hear from the Hill about the president's
involvement?


Calio: It comes and goes. But the president can't micromanage the
legislative process the way a lot of people seem to want him to. With the
numbers of members and staff on the Hill, you can always find someone
unhappy. The "You-Should" Caucus on Capitol Hill says that the
president should do everything.


NJ: But is the president willing to expend capital?


Calio: This president has expended a lot of capital. For example, on the
stimulus bill, he set the context: He framed the issue almost daily for
months, made phone calls, met with members, and three bills passed the
House. When the bill finally passed [in March], the president and Denny
Hastert were the only two guys really pushing it.


NJ: Has the president faced a learning curve in dealing with
Congress?


Calio: Not much in one sense, because there are a number of
Washington-experienced people around him. But yes, with regard to the
difficulty of getting things done, in contrast to Texas, where you could
pretty consistently work on a bipartisan basis to accomplish something.
The president is still disappointed and frustrated with the difficulties
in getting things done here. But he thinks that we must keep pushing for
accomplishments with our allies in Congress.


NJ: Which techniques work best to accomplish your goals?


Calio: There is no one technique. Lobbying is an art, not a science. There
are all sorts of ways to persuade people-including information,
presidential speeches, meetings, back-channel messages through other
sources, grassroots efforts.


NJ: Does this White House emphasize the separate roles of the president
and Congress?


Calio: It depends on who stirs the hornet's nest. This constitutional gulf
has always existed. People who work in the White House are charged with
protecting its prerogatives. Over the past eight years, Congress took more
of that power-both Democrats and Republicans. We are conscious of
executive branch prerogatives. The president and Congress are
institutionally separate.


NJ: How have you sought to share information in the war against terrorism
with members of Congress?


Calio: We have shared information in many ways: literally dozens and
dozens of briefings on Capitol Hill; meetings at the White House with the
four top leaders and others members; phone calls. At the last House and
Senate briefings-all 535 invited-25 members of the House and 13 senators
came.


NJ: Has the president's involvement with Congress been reduced since
September 11?


Calio: No, it has increased, if anything. The president is engaged. But
he's running a war. He's an executive. Not every issue can be addressed
every day by the president. Some people expect him to be involved in every
issue every day.


NJ: What about your own role? How much time do you spend on the
Hill?


Calio: I'm sometimes a captive here [at the White House]. I have some
frustration with that, because I can't avoid some meetings. But I was in
the Capitol virtually 24 hours a day during the budget and tax debates,
trade-promotion authority, aviation security, and other tough
votes.


NJ: How has Vice President Dick Cheney's role with Congress affected
you?


Calio: It has been a huge help. He is uniquely qualified, given his
experience and institutional knowledge. Some outside observers initially
thought [that there would be conflicts between Cheney and my office]. But
this White House is not turf-conscious. The cooperation between the
offices is seamless. The vice president operates quietly. He talks to
members a lot. And he carries a lot more weight than an assistant to the
president. He can be an interface. The substance of his conversation with
a member may be the same, but the impact differs.


Richard E. Cohen

National Journal