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Copyright 2002 P.G. Publishing Co.  
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Pennsylvania)

February 27, 2002 Wednesday SOONER EDITION 
Correction Appended

SECTION: EDITORIAL, Pg.A-15

LENGTH: 1297 words

HEADLINE: HOW WELFARE REFORM WORKED HERE;
ON SUNDAY, THE CLOCK TICKS DOWN ON THE FIVE-YEAR EXPERIMENT. LOCALLY, THE RESULTS ARE IMPRESSIVE

BODY:
When the five-year welfare reform alarm clock goes off this Sunday, no one in Allegheny County will immediately be pushed off welfare.

That nonevent signals for Allegheny County one of its great, unheralded success stories.

It started in 1997 when the welfare reform provisions passed the year before by Congress took effect in Pennsylvania. Originally launched by President Clinton's 1992 campaign promise to "end welfare as we know it" and passed by a Republican Congress, the new law abolished Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and established Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). Welfare rights advocates and many liberals were aghast and many bitterly opposed it.

The Pittsburgh community took a different tack, thanks at first to Claire Morrison, then head of the county office of the state Department of Public Welfare. She took a twofold positive approach: (1) It's the law and let's make it succeed and (2) let's not assume that welfare mothers don't want to work if given a proper opportunity. Morrison was able to mobilize Pittsburgh employers, job-training institutions, philanthropic foundations, Public Welfare caseworkers and welfare clients themselves to make TANF work.

Moreover, the private Pittsburgh Foundation launched its "Gaps" program, a series of local projects and studies designed to help welfare recipients bridge the gap between dependence on welfare and self-sufficiency.

Overall, Allegheny County's experience is bound to be significant for Congress as this year it approaches the next step -- reauthorization of the 1996 act.

All this has been in contrast with Philadelphia, where nonprofit agencies and welfare rights groups bucked and stalled on TANF. Only lately has that major city scrambled to catch up.

*

The result in Allegheny County is that a TANF caseload of 18,657 families (52,117 persons) in 1997 now five years later has been whittled down to 9,720 (25,784 persons), according to state Public Welfare figures. Timothy Cornell, Morrison's successor, explains that of that number, 2,000 are children living with grandmothers or other relatives and thus not affected by the rule that mothers can't stay on welfare more than 60 months -- the so-called five-year "clock" that runs out Sunday. Moreover, many of the remaining 6,000 are included in the so-called "carve-out" exempt category, a recognition by Congress that because of "multiple barrier" disabilities -- mental illness, for example, or addiction -- not everyone on welfare was employable.

Cornell says that those not included in those categories either are in special training programs or will be placed in them and, therefore, will not lose their cash benefits Sunday. However, of another 1,400 families scheduled to hit the "clock" limit by the end of this year, many are in the multiple-barriers category. So they will be put in special programs, such as treatment, and not lose their cash payments.

The cash benefits are as follows: Two persons in a household (say, a mother and child), $316 a month, Three in a household, $403. Four, $497. Five, $589. Six, $670. For each person above six, an additional $83.

When clients go off welfare, they lose only their cash payments. Food stamps, medical care, child care, federal earned income tax credit and job-training possibilities continue. But ex-welfare clients have to apply for them, and one of the questions brought out in evaluations is how much Public Welfare caseworkers push that fact with their clients. The state is worried about the ever-climbing cost of medical assistance (Medicaid), so there may be a conflict of interest over saving state tax dollars by keeping quiet about that.

A major portion of that large drop in the welfare rolls came at the beginning. One supposition is that many clients secretly had jobs that they didn't want to jeopardize by fulfilling TANF's 20-hours-a week job or training requirement. Also, many women shrewdly decided to save "clock" time for a real emergency.

The biggest drop in the rolls came in the first two years -- 126,000 statewide (37 percent of the original 481,099 before the clock started on March 3, 1997). The state's caseload now is 88,020 (231,605 persons). Philadelphia County's remains the biggest, from 72,711 (212,615 persons) in 1997 down now to 41,593 (114,207 persons).

An important part of the local story has been the Gaps program, led by the Pittsburgh Foundation's Gerri Kay and Annette Green. Beverly Lovelace, who died last April, was the program's architect. Its premise was that if progress under welfare-to-work was to be permanent, the women involved would need the kind of help that was not available under the customary welfare-system model. Lovelace asserted the need for involving community groups close to the clients who would choose local residents to be "hand-holding" caseworkers with them. The agencies selected were Hill House, Neighborhood Centers Association, Rankin Christian Center and the Urban League.

The three-year Gaps study turned the spotlight not only on problems facing women moving off welfare but also on those facing the working poor in general. Examples: Availability of good child care and access to it. Transportation to where the jobs are. Continued medical insurance. And the need for cash help in certain emergencies, such as replacing a dead car battery that jeopardizes meeting a work requirement. Some of these lessons were taken to heart by Public Welfare, resulting in policy changes.

With the 1996 law expiring, what should Congress do next? That has been the subject of three roundtable discussions held by the Institute of Politics at the University of Pittsburgh, involving representatives of relevant government and nonprofit agencies. A summary of recommendations: (1) Recognize the value of formal education by allowing it to be a "work activity" under TANF; (2) emphasize poverty reduction by offering incentives for employers, unions and nonprofit organizations to provide continuing education for entry-level workers; (3) include provisions for affordable, quality child care, as well as transportation to jobs; and (4) enhance coordination among government departments so the left hand will know what the right hand is doing, including reassessing confidentiality requirements. Finally, there is a renewed recognition of the father in the home, with questions about whether the present child-custody system -- with payments deducted from the welfare check -- drives wedges between the father and the children.

A fuller account of these findings will appear in a forthcoming "Issues Brief" monograph to be published by the Institute of Politics.

I am aware that talking about success overlooks the pain many families have had. To me, the record -- and particularly the Gaps findings -- point to the problems facing not just welfare clients but the working poor in general. I think these will keep alive at the national level such issues as universal health coverage and, at the local level, the Living Wage campaign.

But in regard to welfare reform itself, I found two comments by Public Welfare's Timothy Cornell particular reasons for satisfaction. One element concerns caseworkers who, at first, were apprehensive about what welfare reform could mean for their jobs. Now, with all the evidence of the importance of "hand-holding" counseling in helping people get and keep jobs, they find they are doing what as idealistic young people entering the social welfare field they had hoped to do, rather than just watchdogging clients' behavior.

Quite as significant, Cornell says, is the heartening experience at meetings of hearing ex-TANF women testify proudly, "I was on welfare and now I work."



NOTES:
Clarke Thomas is a Post-Gazette senior editor.

CORRECTION-DATE: March 1, 2002

CORRECTION:
The last name of Pittsburgh Foundation program officer Gerri Kay was misspelled in Clarke Thomas' Feb. 27 column, "How Welfare Reform Worked Here."

GRAPHIC:  
DRAWING: Stacy Innerst/Post-Gazette

LOAD-DATE: March 1, 2002




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