Copyright 2002 The Washington Post
The
Washington Post
February 21, 2002, Thursday, Final
EditionSECTION: FINANCIAL; Pg. E01
LENGTH: 1439 words
HEADLINE:
Lay's Lobbying Reached the Top of Treasury; Enron Chief Leaned Hard as Company
Sought to Avoid U.S. Oversight of Derivatives Deals
BYLINE: Kathleen Day and James V. Grimaldi, Washington Post
Staff Writers
BODY:Enron Corp.
chief executive Kenneth L. Lay offered then-Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin a
seat on Enron's board of directors in 1999, when Enron was lobbying intensely to
block government efforts to regulate its derivatives-trading business.
Letters and other documents released yesterday by the
Treasury Department under a Freedom of Information Act request by The Washington
Post and other news organizations show how Lay sought to influence the Clinton
administration on issues affecting Enron. Lay also sought help from Bush
administration officials last fall before the company filed for bankruptcy
protection.
Lay wrote to Rubin two days after Rubin
announced he would step down as President Bill Clinton's treasury secretary and
about two months before he turned over the job to Lawrence H. Summers. Rubin
rejected the offer of an Enron board seat.
A few
months later, Lay referred to his connections with Rubin in a letter to Summers,
urging Treasury officials to back off from proposals to regulate Enron's trading
in financial products, known as derivatives, that were tied to energy
commodities. Enron was preparing to launch an online operation to trade energy
derivatives.
The Clinton administration, led by
Treasury officials, decided against government oversight of derivative traders
such as Enron. In December 2000, Congress adopted that policy in legislation
that exempted from government oversight the kind of energy derivative contracts
traded by Enron.
"The debate was not about
deregulation, it was about an absence of regulation," Commodity Futures Exchange
Commissioner Thomas J. Erickson, a Clinton appointee, said in an interview.
Erickson was opposed to the portion of the bill that removed energy derivative
contracts from government oversight.
Some market
experts -- including former Treasury undersecretary of finance Gary Gensler, who
served under Rubin and Summers -- said derivatives transactions didn't cause
Enron's collapse. Still, others said the market should not be unregulated.
Enron relied heavily on derivatives in two ways. It traded
them to capture profits across all its businesses. Enron's executives also used
derivatives in complex financial transactions that distorted the financial
picture that Enron projected to investors.
"I just hope
we don't have to have another crisis in the financial markets to get everyone's
attention," said Sen. Jon S. Corzine (D-N.J.), an advocate of increased
regulation of derivatives.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein
(D-Calif.) has introduced legislation to give the Commodity Futures Trading
Commission more authority to oversee energy derivatives by revoking some
provisions of the 2000 law, though it is unclear how much chance it has of
passing. That would return the rules to what they were before the 2000
legislation, when the commission had some jurisdiction over companies such as
Enron, Erickson said.
Over-the-counter derivatives are
financial contracts that are not traded on a formal exchange. Their worth is
based on the value of underlying stocks or bonds, interest rates, currencies,
pork bellies, electricity, gold, metals or other commodities. They are used to
hedge against the risk of price fluctuations or to speculate on those
changes.
Federal bank regulators oversee banks that
deal in over-the-counter derivatives. The Securities and Exchange Commission
oversees securities firms that trade them. But there is no direct monitoring of
the actual trading of over-the-counter derivatives. So derivatives traders such
as Enron that are not affiliated with a bank or securities firm operate without
government monitoring. As the government was trying to decide what kind of
oversight -- if any -- was proper for these kinds of traders, Lay made his
overture to Rubin.
In a May 14, 1999, letter, Lay
wrote: "If you are considering joining any corporate boards, I would very much
like to talk to you.
"Given the way Enron has evolved,
not only do we badly need a person with your experience and insights (gained
both at Goldman Sachs and at the U.S. Treasury), but also I think you would find
serving on our board intellectually and otherwise interesting."
Lay said in the letter he also had placed a call to Rubin "in the hope
that I mention this to you personally."
"Bob Rubin was
offered 30 to 40 board memberships. Rubin had no interest; he declined," said
Leah Johnson, a Citigroup spokeswoman.
Rubin became
chairman of the executive committee of Citigroup, one of Enron's main creditors,
after leaving Treasury. Last fall, when Enron ran into financial trouble, Rubin
contacted Treasury Undersecretary Peter Fisher asking "what he thought of the
idea" of calling bond-rating agencies to help forestall a crippling reduction in
Enron's credit rating.
Fisher told Rubin that he didn't
think it was advisable and he didn't make a call, Treasury officials have
said.
In a letter sent on the same day as Lay's letter
to Rubin, Lay wrote to congratulate Summers, the incoming Treasury secretary. "I
can't imagine anybody better prepared" for the job, Lay said.
Five months later, in another letter, Lay complained to Summers about
proposals to regulate over-the-counter derivatives. Lay said he was upset that
the Treasury's assistant general counsel, John Yetter, had said at a public
forum that the President's Working Group on Financial Markets might recommend
regulation of "otherwise unregulated entities, such as Enron" that trade in
derivatives.
"As you would expect, we are troubled by
being singled out, but even more troubled by the notion that financial
regulators may be considering any regulation of OTC [over-the-counter] dealers,
particularly in the energy field, where we believe derivatives are truly
customer based risk management tools," Lay wrote.
"Enron believes there is no need for any additional regulation" because
there have been no problems," Lay wrote. He then asked for a chance "to make our
case" if increased regulation were in the offing and requested "a call or note"
in reply.
Lay concluded by referring to Summers's
previous boss. "I spent some time with Bob Ruben [sic] in Shanghai last week and
he appears to be doing very well," Lay wrote. "I must say he looked more relaxed
than I have seen him in years."
The next month, in
November 1999, the working group's report was returned and Summers sent a copy
to Lay, telling him that it "is not recommending legislative action with respect
to derivatives dealers [such as Enron] that are unaffiliated with a federally
regulated entity at this time."
"My formulaic response
to Lay's letter speaks for itself in making clear that the Treasury Department's
position is set out in several previously issued reports," Summers said
yesterday.
Lay said in his letter to Summers: "There
have been no problems in the energy derivatives market that warrant
regulation." But
over-the-counter derivatives have been
involved in a series of scandals over the past decade.
In 1994, Bankers Trust suffered significant losses on derivatives when
two clients, Gibson Greetings Inc. and Procter & Gamble Co., refused to
honor their obligations, arguing that Bankers Trust had misled them.
That same year, Orange County, Calif., reported a $ 1.7
billion loss on derivatives sold by Merrill Lynch and other major derivative
dealers, leading the county to seek bankruptcy protection. In 1995, Britain's
oldest investment bank, Barings, collapsed from more than $ 1 billion in losses
related to derivatives trading.
Three years later, a
giant Connecticut hedge fund, Long-Term Capital Management L.P., which relied
heavily on over-the-counter derivatives to speculate on the difference in values
among various currencies, nearly failed.
"There ought
to be more regulation of derivatives given the explosion of the market," said
Lynn Turner, former chief accountant for the Securities and Exchange Commission.
"When you get a more regulated market -- meaning more transparency in pricing --
you not only get better pricing but it provides a more efficient market, because
more people will trust it and participate."
Also among
the correspondence released yesterday are letters to Treasury advocating and
praising officials for taking free-trade, deregulatory stands in energy markets
overseas and with the World Trade Organization. Lay also asked Treasury
Secretary Paul H. O'Neill last year to speak before a meeting of the Business
Council, a group of U.S. corporate leaders.
Staff
writer Peter Behr and researcher Lucy Shackelford contributed to this report.
LOAD-DATE: February 21,
2002