Copyright 2002 The San Diego Union-Tribune The San
Diego Union-Tribune
August 1, 2002, Thursday
SECTION: OPINION;Pg. B-11:2,7; B-7:1; B-13:6
LENGTH: 835 words
HEADLINE: The
not-so-conservative president
BYLINE: Veronique
de Rugy; De Rugy is a fiscal policy analyst at the Cato Institute,
www.cato.org.
BODY: President Bush
may be repeating the sins of his father.
Although
elected on a Reaganesque, tax-cutting platform, he has veered to the left.
President Bush has signed a bill to regulate political speech, issued
protectionist taxes on imported steel and lumber, backed big-spending education
and farm bills and endorsed massive new entitlements for
mental health care and prescription drugs. When the numbers are added up, in
fact, it looks as if President Bush is less conservative than President Clinton.
It makes little sense to discourage one's core
supporters prior to a mid-term election. Yet that is the result when a
Republican president expands government, which Bush is doing. Also, academic
research on voting patterns shows that a president is most likely to get
re-elected if voters are enjoying an increase in disposable income. Yet making
government bigger is not a recipe for economic growth. After all, there is a
reason Hong Kong grows so fast and France is an economic basket case. But you
can't tell that to the Bush administration.
Administration officials privately acknowledge that much of the
legislation moving through Congress represents bad public policy. Yet they argue
either that everything must take a back seat to the war on terror (much as the
first Bush administration treated the war against Iraq) or that compromises are
necessary to neutralize issues such as education. But motives and
rationalizations do not repeal the laws of economics.
In less than two years, President Bush has presided over more
government expansion than took place during eight years of Bill Clinton. For
instance:
[] The education bill expands federal
involvement in education. The administration originally argued that the new
spending was a necessary price to get vouchers and other reforms. Yet the final
bill boosted spending and was stripped of almost all reform initiatives. And
there is every reason to believe that this new spending will be
counterproductive, like most other federal money spent on education in the past
40 years. Children and taxpayers are the big losers.
[]
The farm bill is best characterized as a bipartisan orgy of
special-interest politics. Making a mockery of the Freedom to Farm Act, the new
legislation boosts farm spending to record levels. Old subsidies have been
increased and new subsidies created. Perhaps worst of all, the administration no
longer has the moral credibility to pressure the European Union to reform its
socialized agricultural policies. Taxpayers and consumers are the big losers.
[] The protectionist decisions on steel and lumber imports
make free traders wish Bill Clinton were still president. These restrictions on
world commerce have undermined the productivity of U.S. manufacturers by
boosting input prices and creating massive ill will in the international
community. American products already have been targeted for reciprocal
treatment. Consumers and manufacturers are the big losers.
[] The campaign finance law is an effort to protect the interests of
incumbent politicians by limiting free speech rights during elections. The
administration openly acknowledged that the legislation is unconstitutional, yet
was unwilling to make a principled argument for the Bill of Rights and fair
elections. Voters and the Constitution are the big losers.
[] New health care entitlements are akin to throwing gasoline on a
fire. Medicare and Medicaid already are consuming enormous resources, and the
burden of these programs will become even larger when the baby boom generation
retires. Adding a new prescription drug benefit will probably boost spending by
$1 trillion over 10 years. A mandate for mental health coverage will drive up
medical costs, making insurance too expensive for many more families.
Those policy decisions make government bigger and more
expensive. They also slow the economy and hurt financial markets -- have you
read the headlines lately? For all his flaws, President Clinton's major policy
mistake was the 1993 tax increase. Other changes, such as the welfare reform
bill, NAFTA, GATT, farm deregulation, telecommunications deregulation, and
financial services deregulation moved policy in a market-oriented direction.
Perhaps most important, there was actually a reduction in
federal spending as a share of gross domestic product during the Clinton years.
Yet spending is headed up under the Bush administration.
To be sure, much of the credit for Clinton's good policy probably
belongs to the Republican Congress, but that is not an excuse for bad policy
today. And on one positive note, President Bush has "promised" to fight for
partial privatization of Social Security. Yet, so far, President Bush has not
vetoed a single piece of legislation. Needless to say, this means it will be
rather difficult to blame "big-spending" Democrats if the economy continues to
sputter.
De Rugy is a fiscal policy analyst at the Cato
Institute, www.cato.org.