The Commission on 21st Century Production Agriculture
Lays an Egg
The Commission
on 21st Century Production Agriculture, created by the
1996 Farm Bill, recently submitted its report on government's
support of U.S. farmers, specifically those producing field crops
such as wheat, corn, cotton, rice, and soybeans, in addition to
producers of dairy, sugar, and peanuts. The commission's charge was
to recommend directions for future farm policy to help provide
guidance in preparation for consideration of the next farm bill in
2002.
Despite the
forward-sounding name, the commission's recommendations sounded more
like the same old songs that have been used for the last 70 years to
justify government subsidies for and regulation of U.S. agriculture.
The report goes on ad nauseam about how production agriculture is a
"volatile industry," a situation which is used not only to justify a
continuation of farm subsidies, but also leads the commission to
recommend a radical expansion of the federal government's role in
agriculture.
The commission
seems convinced that it is the eternal responsibility of the federal
government (i.e., the taxpayers) to provide farmers an income safety
net that "provides a solid foundation of support for production
agriculture."
Based on this
19th century thinking, the commission recommends
continuing the so-called "transition" payments for field crops (such
as wheat, corn, cotton and rice) created by the 1996 farm bill. In
less than five years since passage of the 1996 farm bill, most
members of the commission seem to have forgotten that by definition,
"transition" payments were not intended to become permanent.
Instead, they were supposed to help "transition" producers of these
crops to become less dependent upon the federal
government.
Not satisfied
with keeping the "transition" payments, the commission also
recommends retaining both loan deficiency payments and marketing
loans, in addition to removing any limitation on payments. On top of
these existing subsidies, the commission recommends creating a
Supplemental Income Support (SIS) program. That means that if the
commission's recommendations become part of the next farm bill, farm
subsidies will increase dramatically and an even greater percentage
of those subsidies will go to the wealthiest farmers.
The commission's
approach will make it even more difficult to wean farmers from the
federal trough and is reminiscent of the original creation of farm
programs back in the 1930's. Although those programs were supposedly
only "emergency" legislation, they have become more permanent than
Mount Rushmore.
In regard to
specific commodities, the commission's recommendations for dairy,
sugar and peanuts appear so vague as to be almost meaningless.
Claiming that these are "commodities that have evolved into specific
and unique agricultural programs," the commission does little more
than identify "areas of concern that will have an impact on the
economic well-being of the producers of these
commodities."
The commission
says nothing about the economic well-being of taxpayers and
consumers. In fact, a closer examination of "policy options"
outlined by the commission reveals that most of the so-called
"options" will result in more government regulation, subsidy or
both.
For dairy, the
commission suggests looking at alternative price support mechanisms
such as a marketing loan, a direct payment, mandatory supply
controls and extension of dairy compacts beyond the existing
regional authority. The only encouraging sign from the commission is
that they included forward contracting and revenue insurance as
options that should be considered, which is not enough to overcome
the negative impact of the other recommendations.
For sugar, while
the commission acknowledges the need for alternatives to the current
sugar program, the only options provides are a marketing loan
program, domestic marketing controls, domestic production controls
and some form of direct payment to sugar producers.
For peanuts, the
commission seems excessively concerned about "potential impacts on
small landholders." The truth is that they are talking about
preserving the archaic peanut quota system, which benefits quota
holders more than peanut producers.
While the
commission does suggest that a "phased reduction of the quota
system, with compensation to existing quota holders" could be
considered, they also suggest creating a new subsidy to "stimulate
purchase of domestically grown peanuts" and a direct payment program
for producers of quota peanuts.
In other words,
don't eliminate these three programs; replace them with a different
approach that continues to soak the taxpayers and
consumers.
Frankly, the
commission's report demonstrates that they have wasted the last five
years, at a cost of close to $1 million. After basically suggesting
a continuation of all kinds of subsidies and creation of new ones ¾
all of which will primarily benefit the wealthiest farmers ¾ as a
"sop" to the political concern about the plight of "small family
farmers," the commission proposes to institutionalize the USDA
Advisory Committee on Small Farms.
The commission
believes that creating a new bureaucratic agency is needed within
USDA to help develop new programs to meet the "special needs of
small and limited resource farmers." While probably not intended by
the commission, this proposal is a naked admission that their other
recommendations do nothing to help small farmers.
The minority
view on farm income support policy filed by John B. Campbell, one of
the commission's members, at least those comments recognize that
farming has changed dramatically since farm programs were originally
created. As Mr. Campbell's comments demonstrate, while "the average
income of farm households in the 1990s exceeded the U.S. average
household income," most of the programs being proposed are pretty
much the same as 71 years ago. It's unfortunate that most other
members of the commission seem to still be stuck in a 1934 time
warp.
The result is a
commission report that has no relevance to farming as it exists
today, but which unfortunately will be used as justification for the
perpetuation of government intervention in U.S.
agriculture. |