Copyright 2002 The Denver Post Corporation The Denver
Post
September 15, 2002 Sunday 1ST EDITION
SECTION: NEWS DESK; Pg. A-01
LENGTH: 3306 words
HEADLINE:
Colorado's stealth senator keeps 'em guessing Critics say Allard's image masks
far-right agenda
BYLINE: Susan Greene , Denver
Post Staff Writer
BODY: Wayne Allard
has held 601 publicly funded meetings in Colorado during his dozen
years in federal office.
That
averages nearly one each week - a formidable record for a guy who
works 1,700 miles away.
'I'm
proud of my time with the people of Colorado,' Allard said. 'I'm
proud that the people know me.'
But a Denver Post poll shows how few Coloradans actually know
their junior senator. Only 37 percent could name Allard, and even
fewer, 23 percent, knew he was running for re-election.
The affable Loveland
veterinarian has kept a remarkably low profile during his six years
each in the Senate and House of Representatives. His down-home style
and emphasis on state rather than national issues have helped project
an image as an environmentalist and populist while masking a record
that generally has blocked environmental protection, stalled social
programs and buoyed corporate interests.
Few realize how conservatively Allard votes. Last year, he
sided 98 percent of the time with his Republican leadership - tied
with Sens. Strom Thurmond and Jesse Helms, stalwarts of the Senate's
far right.
Despite
all his town meetings, critics say his politics reflect
an ultra-right-wing ideology that's out of step with moderate
Colorado values. Just because he shows up doesn't mean he's
listening.
'It's the classic
art of deception,' said Tony Robinson, a political science professor
at the University of Colorado at Denver. 'Wayne Allard makes a living
obfuscating his conservatism.'
Rural beginnings
Allard acknowledges he isn't the most charismatic U.S. senator.
'So I'm dull, what can I say?'
said the 20-year political veteran, whose favorite color is brown. 'I
don't think it's bad to be boring in politics.'
By all accounts, Allard, 58, is a
hard-working Republican partisan, polite and unpretentious, with deep
faith, rural roots and a hard-core 4-H image.
He grew up on his family's farm in Jackson
County, the son of a successful cattle rancher turned developer and a
mother who stayed home to care for her two boys.
Allard and his brother, Kermit, spent their
youths 'knocking horseflies off horses' and tooling around on
tractors with their folks. Allard later paid for six years at
Colorado State University by selling a cattle herd he bred from age
9.
His was a Norman Rockwell
start in life, with heavy schooling in the Golden Rule. Even now,
especially for a politician, he seems strikingly without guile.
'I've never heard him say a
harsh word about anyone. I've never heard him use a curse word.
That's unusual around here,' said Sen. Phil Gramm, R-Texas, a fellow
member of the Senate Banking Committee.
That genteel image may not jibe with the edgy, often
caustic tone of Allard's campaign and its ads. Those are the work of
Dick Wadhams, his intrepid campaign manager, to whom Allard said
he leaves 'the nasty stuff.'
Allard's wife, Joan Allard, is equally strait-laced, and
widely considered his greatest political asset. The friendly
56-year-old grandmother chauffeurs him on the campaign trail and
works a crowd like a pro.
Both fifth-generation Coloradans, they met in 1964 at CSU while
he attended vet school. They married two years later and had
two daughters - Cheryl, 31, and Christi, 34, both now married
and living a block from each other in Windsor.
Allard came of age during the Vietnam era but
never served in the military. He said his marriage, a student
deferment and a heart murmur kept him out of the war he strongly
supported.
In 1970, he opened
an animal hospital in Loveland, where Joan helped keep books and
clean cages. The couple sold the practice in 1990 after Allard won
his first congressional race.
A dozen years later, he still describes himself as a small
business owner, often several times during one conversation.
The Allards - who take in $
150,000 a year from his Senate work and call themselves 'regular
folks' - keep a home in Loveland, a cabin in Estes Park and a
townhouse on D.C.'s Capitol Hill. They also own 189 acres in Jackson
County.
They spend their
spare time either with their daughters and four young grandsons,
fly-fishing or researching their family trees. As often as possible,
they attend Faith Evangelical Free Church, a conservative
denomination whose members are born-again.
'We don't go and push our religion on people,' he said.
'We have a personal relationship with the Lord and Jesus. We live
a Christian life.'
Asked about his quirkier side, he cites his membership in the
Sons of the American Revolution, the bagpipe lessons he took in
the mid-1990s and his killer clam dip recipe. Joan is partial to
his Popeye imitation - 'I yam what I yam an' that's all what I yam'
- that, after 35 years of marriage, still prompts them both to
bust out in laughter.
Allard speaks proudly of his love for Joan's cherry pie,
his prowess at long-distance watermelon seed spitting, and his
simple, aw-shucks ways.
'I'm a small-town vet, plain and simple,' he said.
He gleaned his politics from his dad, the
late Amos Allard, who once led the Democratic Party in Larimer
County. Both father and son switched affiliation in 1972 when U.S.
Rep. Wayne Aspinall, a close family friend, lost the Democratic
primary.
Conservative bent
Allard's conservatism grew after
he opened his vet clinic and, he recalls, 'realized what a
detrimental impact regulations and taxes have on business.'
He first won a state Senate seat
in 1982 and championed a law that limited the state legislative
session to 120 days 'to maintain the concept of citizen
legislators.'
His Senate
colleagues nicknamed him 'Dr. Dolittle' for what many saw as his
failure to move important legislation, and 'Pass Allard' for his
habit of passing during roll call and waiting to see how others
voted.
Many grew frustrated
by his reluctance - some say aversion - to debate.
'He's very big into being personable and
avoiding confrontation. But when it comes time to vote, he gets
even,' said Steven Berman, a Denver pediatrician who lobbied
lawmakers on children's issues.
Others say such duplicity persists to this day.
'He comes to (Housing and Urban Development)
meetings and he says he's going to stick up for the little guy, but
he never does. He just leaves and votes with the rest of the
Republicans to gut the HUD budget,' said Robinson, the CU- Denver
political scientist.
Allard
served in the statehouse for eight years until his daughters left for
college. Then, in 1990, he set his sights on Hank Brown's 4th
District congressional seat when Brown ran to replace longtime Sen.
Bill Armstrong.
Known as the
godfather of the Colorado Republican Party, Armstrong has a vast
political machine ranging from 17th Street lawyers to Western Slope
miners, ranchers, developers and energy magnates. He has backed
Allard for more than a decade.
Most of Allard's campaign money comes from Coloradans. He takes
a smaller percentage of special interest money than all but
two members of the state's delegation - Reps. Scott McInnis and
Mark Udall.
Of the
33 percent he gets from businesses and special interest groups,
contributions come from tobacco corporations, oil companies,
prescription-drug makers, militaryindustrialists, a nuclear-power
producer, the National Rifle Association and the National Pro-Life
Alliance.
As both a candidate
and politician, Allard lacks the wit and sheer mojo that earn other
lawmakers spots on Sunday morning political shows.
'I have heard very little from him. To my
knowledge he has not been a leader in the Senate,' said former
Colorado senator Gary Hart, who left office in 1987 and still enjoys
far more national airtime.
'He has neither the personal magnetism or presence or charm as
a lot of higher profile senators from other states, and
probably doesn't operate on that intellectual plain that others
operate on,' added Denver political consultant Eric Sondermann.
Wadhams, a veteran GOP
operative, said he has never met anybody in politics 'more
comfortable with who they are and what they stand for than Wayne
Allard.'
About his
intelligence, Wadhams added: 'Very few people have the titles 'Dr.'
and 'United States senator' in front of their name.
'I think that speaks for itself.'
Many of Allard's colleagues marvel at his
work ethic and reputation for doing his homework.
'When that damn bell rings in the evening,
I'm out riding the hills on my bike while I bet Wayne Allard goes
home and reads briefs,' said Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell, Colorado's
senior senator whose son, Colin, is married to Allard's niece, Karen.
'I probably get more press than Wayne, but just because
everybody knows you doesn't mean everybody likes you.'
The Post's poll in August showed
39 percent of Coloradans could name Campbell as one of their senators
- just two percentage points more than could name Allard.
Some say Allard has failed the
63 percent of Coloradans who don't know him.
'Never heard of the guy. That's his fault,
not mine,' said Rosendo Mondrago, a construction worker from
Pueblo.
Allard's handlers
shrug off the results, insisting they say less about the senator than
about public disinterest in federal lawmakers.
Said Wadhams: 'It is not unusual for senators
to have to reintroduce themselves to voters when they run for
re-election.'
The Allards
speak wistfully about the day they left Loveland for Washington,
waving goodbye to their daughters as they pulled out of the driveway
in their yellow Buick Skyhawk packed with an air mattress, a card
table and a few pots and pans.
They since have settled comfortably into life in the capital
and their routine of flying to D.C. most Mondays and returning
to Colorado late most Fridays.
While in Washington, Joan drops her husband off at the
Dirksen Building in the mornings and fetches him in the evenings.
He refuses invitations to functions that don't include his wife.
She doesn't read newspapers,
follow politics, nor 'get too much into the issues.'
'I sit in a staff meeting, and I have no idea
what they're talking about,' she said.
Still, Joan keeps a desk in Allard's Senate office where
she researches their families' genealogies. She is especially proud
of her pearl and gold broach - the 'official Senate spouse
pin,' which affords her access throughout the Capitol. Touring
the building recently, she shooed a woman out of a 'senators
only' elevator that no senators were riding.
'Sorry, this is only for senators,' she said,
pushing the 'close door' button. 'I hate to have to say that.'
Joan's a natural on the stump,
graciously shaking hands and grabbing elbows. Allard, in contrast, is
much more stiff, often connecting best with voters accompanied by
their dogs.
Senate Minority
Leader Trent Lott called Joan the 'ultimate helpmate' and praised her
for being 'involved in everything Wayne does.'
Others aren't so impressed, seeing her role
as embarrassingly traditional or questioning the couple's shared
workspace.
'It seems to me
that the people's money should not be used for a desk
for family business,' CU-Denver's Robinson said.
Nearly every minute of Allard's
workday is filled with committee hearings and other Senate business
ranging from high-level security briefings to photo sessions with
middle-schoolers.
His
scheduler tries to leave time for prayer breakfasts on Wednesdays and
Senate Bible study on Thursdays. Even family time gets penciled
in.
The record
Allard sees his role as focused
mainly on Colorado, citing as his greatest accomplishments his work
creating a wildlife refuge at the decommissioned Rocky Flats nuclear
weapons plant northwest of Denver and 'leading the fights' for the
Great Sand Dunes National Park and the Spanish Peaks Wilderness Area
in southern Colorado.
Many
environmentalists laud the Rocky Flats refuge and praise
his influence forcing the cleanup of the Shattuck Superfund site
in south Denver.
'He was on Shattuck six months before (Rep.) Diana
DeGette (D-Denver) even made a move,' said Briggs Gamblin, a Democrat
and former aide to Denver Mayor Wellington Webb.
Still, environmental groups gag about
Allard's claims that he 'has the strongest record of protecting
Colorado's environment of any Senator in Colorado's history.' They
note that the Great Sand Dunes won't officially become a park until
it gets more land; the purchase would be funded by a federal program
that Allard voted against. And they point out he opposed the bill to
create the Spanish Peaks Wilderness Area in 1998 the first time it
was proposed.
'He
watches the parade go by and then he runs to catch up with it,' said
Andy Schultheiss of the League of Conservation Voters.
That group has ranked Allard among its
so-called 'Dirty Dozen' - a list of lawmakers 'who consistently vote
against the environment' - and insists his record on clean water and
clean air is worse than any senator in Colorado's history.
Farmers and ranchers, in
contrast, tend to laud Allard's work safeguarding their livelihoods.
The Colorado Farm Bureau repeatedly has honored him.
'Do you know who the real endangered species
are?' Francie Davis, president of the Huerfano County Cowbelles,
asked during a meeting in Pueblo.
'Yep. You and I,' Allard responded to applause from his
rural audience.
As
chairman of the Senate Renewable Energy Caucus, Allard touts his work
securing a 15 percent budget increase for the National Renewable
Energy Laboratory in Golden.
But he voted against improving fuel economy standards
for cars and trucks and helped block a requirement that 20 percent of
utilities' energy come from renewable sources. He also opposed a plan
to triple the content of ethanol in fuel; ethanol comes from corn
- one of Colorado's biggest crops.
'It's frustrating when a guy from your own home state
doesn't support you,' said Tim Hume, a corn farmer from Walsh
and president of the National Corn Growers Association.
Hume and others question why
Allard hasn't brought home more bacon. Colorado was last in the
amount of federal projects served up last year by its congressional
delegation.
Allard defends
his record, saying, 'I'm not one who advocates pork-barrel
spending.'
Indeed, he has
distinguished himself as a hawkish fiscal conservative who has
criticized Congress for falling back into a deficit and derided the
Democratic leadership for failing to pass a budget resolution for the
first time in 27 years.
'Our
country would have been very wise if we had heeded his advice,' said
Sen. Don Nickles, R-Okla.
Allard takes particular pride in having returned to the
treasury $ 2.4 million in surplus over the past 12 years by limiting
the size of his staff. To save money, he stays in motels with
complementary breakfasts.
The National Taxpayers Union recently rated him the No. 1
senator for votes concerning taxes, regulations and federal spending.
And the National Federation of Independent Business has honored him
for his votes to cut taxes.
Though he scrimps on office expenses, he eagerly supports
hefty military spending. He was instrumental in snagging pay raises
for armed services workers and helped restore $ 814 million for
missile defense in June as part of his work on the Armed
Services Committee.
The man who bills himself as the Bush administration's
'point man' on that issue ballyhoos the need to protect
against accidental firings and terrorist missile attacks. He
especially fears launches from North Korea, Iran and Iraq - nations
that, like President Bush, he describes as 'evil.'
'A lot of people don't understand and realize
how vulnerable we are,' he said.
On many issues, Allard is as conservative as you get.
He favors a constitutional
amendment making most abortions illegal. He objects to most
affirmative-action programs. He wants to privatize Social Security
accounts. He owns a shotgun, and bristles at the thought of more
federal gun laws.
The
Children's Defense Fund ranked him one of the eight 'worst senators
for children in 2001.' It took umbrage with his votes opposing the
Family and Medical Leave Act, the Children's Health Insurance
Program, class-size reduction, Pell grants for low-income students
and aid to rebuild and modernize schools. He also voted to eliminate
the Department of Education.
Allard says he cast many of those votes for budget reasons.
Some experts see his 98 percent
Republican voting record as strategic - the best way for a junior
senator to build favor in the party.
'That's what first-term senators are supposed to do - get
along and go along and build your seniority in the Senate,' said
Bob Loevy, a Colorado College political science professor who
once worked as a senate staffer.
Others see Allard as a rigid ideologue who takes his
distrust of government too far.
Denver officials were bitterly disappointed, for example,
when he refused to support a White House commendation for citizens
who helped restore the Central Platte Valley. The award was
mostly symbolic, but Allard didn't want the feds meddling in his
state.
'(He) seemed to be
fixated entirely on a perception that seemed to us to be groundless -
that this was some kind of federal power grab,' said Andrew Wallach,
Webb's director on the project.
Still, Allard has avoided a more widespread reputation as
an ultra-conservative zealot. His agenda may be polarizing, but
his persona is not.
'He has a gift at promoting a hard-right agenda without
coming across as mean spirited,' political consultant Sondermann
said.
The veterinary
background helps.
Allard has
warmed the hearts of even liberal Democratic senators with advice on
their pets' hairballs and fleas. His colleagues also appreciated his
expertise during the anthrax scare last October.
'Behind the scenes he was the person we all turned to. ...
I think he's an unsung hero of that era,' said Sen. Susan
Collins, R-Maine.
Collins is one of a dozen Republican senators eager to
sing Allard's praises with The Post. With control of the Senate up
for grabs, his rematch against Democrat Tom Strickland is one of
the most targeted races in the nation.
Allard says he feels more pressure than ever.
The stakes are especially high,
given that he has vowed not to seek a third term in the Senate and
said he's not interested in higher office.
His self-imposed term limit frustrates some
GOP pols who had hoped to build seniority in the Senate.
Allard has spent recent weekends
home from Washington trolling for votes, scurrying to make himself
known to as many voters as possible.
But his efforts may be in vain. Passers-by at last month's
Colorado State Fair had no clue who he was despite the TV and
newspaper photographers swarming around him.
'Is that oh, is that
the governor?' one woman working an auto exhibit said to another.
'Naw, I don't think so,' her
coworker responded. 'It's that guy on the Pepsi commercials. You
know, what's-his-name, Bob Dole.'
Reporter Susan Greene can be reached by e-mail
at sgreene@denverpost.com.
GRAPHIC:
PHOTO: The Denver Post/Jay Premack Sen. Wayne Allard and his wife, Joan, visit
the Colorado State Fair in August. After 12 years in federal office, Allard is
seeking re-election to the Senate in November. PHOTO: The Denver Post/Jay
Premack Allard is interviewed at the fair by Katie Moore of Colorado Springs TV
station KOAA. He has kept a low profile during his terms in the U.S. House and
Senate while voting conservatively. PHOTO: Special to The Denver Post/Linda
Spillers Sen. Wayne Allard walks up the steps of the U.S. Capitol for a luncheon
on Sept. 10 with fellow senators. Allard and his wife, Joan, spend work weeks in
D.C. and commute to Loveland on weekends. PHOTO: Special to The Denver
Post/Linda Spillers PHOTO: Allard, right, discusses a drought bill with, from
left, Monty Niebur of Akron, and Burt Whiteheckman and Roger Reyher, both of
McClave, in Allard's D.C. office. The senator met with the Rocky Mountain
Farmers Union members on Sept. 11 to talk about the drought in Colorado.