Copyright 2002 Federal News Service, Inc. Federal News Service
July 18, 2002 Thursday
SECTION: CAPITOL HILL HEARING
LENGTH: 12750 words
HEADLINE:
HEARING OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND SOUTH ASIA SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE
SUBJECT: RECENT
DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH ASIA
CHAIRED BY:
REPRESENTATIVE BENJAMIN GILMAN (R-NY)
LOCATION:
2172 RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C.
WITNESSES: CHRISTINA ROCCA, ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
SOUTH ASIAN AFFAIRS
BODY: REP. GILMAN: (Sounds gavel.) The committee
will come to order. Members, please take your seats.
We
want to welcome the State Department's assistant secretary for the Bureau of
South Asian Affairs, Christina Rocca, to our subcommittee once again. The
administration relies heavily on Ms. Rocca for her expertise and guidance for a
troubled region of the world, and we're grateful we have an opportunity to spend
some time with her. The Congress has the responsibility of ensuring that our
military personnel and our diplomats are going to have all the necessary means
to destroy terrorist organizations in the region that threaten our citizens.
In the past, these terrorist organizations were able to
gather strength and strike us around the world without suffering any serious
consequences. Our nation's policy toward Pakistan and Afghanistan failed to
prevent al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden from building up their network so that they
could successfully utilize their assets against our nation.
The Bush administration, which inherited these problems, has responded
with appropriate diplomacy and strength. But much remains to be done. The issue
of illegal drug production and the need for a truly democratic form of
government in Afghanistan are not receiving an appropriate amount of
attention.
We're concerned about other developments in
the region. Last weekend, 27 more Kashmiris were murdered by terrorists. In
yesterday's paper it was reported that Indian Deputy Prime Minister, now
Minister Advani, asked our nation to threaten to name Pakistan as a terrorist
state. Millions of Indian and Pakistani troops are poised at the border. The
newly formed government in Afghanistan is weak, due to a number of diplomatic
blunders surrounding the recent loya jirga. The Norwegian-sponsored peace talks
in Bangkok between the government of Sri Lanka and the Tamil Tigers has yet to
get off the ground. The government of Bangladesh is still sitting on enormous
resources of untapped natural gas, and yet millions of its citizens are
suffering from hunger and poverty. And China continues to stir the pot in the
region by arming Pakistan, Burma, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. And Nepal is facing
a very serious threat from a Maoist insurgency. India feels surrounded and its
defense minister tells visiting diplomats and officials that China, not
Pakistan, is India's number one concern.
Secretary
Rocca, we appreciate your being here because we know that you'll be clarifying
some of these issues, and we look forward to hearing your testimony today.
And I'm pleased to call on our ranking member, the
gentlemen from New York, Mr. Ackerman.
REP. GARY
ACKERMAN (D-NY): Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for calling today's hearing.
Since September 11th, South Asia has become the epicenter for the U.S.-led war
on terrorism, and much has changed there, even in the six weeks since the
subcommittee last met on this topic. In Afghanistan, the loya jirga has been
held and the new transitional government has been approved, except for the
parliament, which is, I believe, still under discussion.
Yet we and the international community still have a long way to
go before we can declare Afghanistan a success.
The war
goes on in Eastern Afghanistan, albeit at a lower level of intensity, and the
security situation is still unstable. The assassination of Vice President Qadir
on July 6th is only the most recent testament to the lack of security in
Afghanistan.
I will say now, as I've said before: The
administration's plan to train a national army is the right long-term solution
to security in Afghanistan. But there is a near-term security problem that yet
remains underdressed. We need a strategy to bridge the gap between the present
situation and the day years hence when Afghans can provide their own security.
The House has passed language in the Afghan Freedom Support Act calling for such
a strategy, but even if that language never becomes law, it's incumbent upon the
administration to provide an alternative as it remains opposed to the expansion
of the International Security Assistance Force.
Since Assistant Secretary Rocca was last with the committee, tension
between India and Pakistan has subsided, and I think everyone agrees that the
efforts by Deputy Secretary Armitage and Defense Secretary Rumsfeld have
produced some positive results. But there remain questions over
President/General Musharraf's commitment to stopping infiltration and closing up
the terrorist camps. The government of India strongly disputes our assertion
that infiltration is down. And in any event, the heinous attacks in Jammu last
weekend and on Tuesday in Anantnag shows that the terrorists have not given up
and that they intend to disrupt the elections planned for this October.
The United States must continue to insist that
President/General Musharraf keep his commitment to stop cross-border
infiltration and to close up the terrorist camps that remain in Pakistan. Beyond
the tension between India and Pakistan, there is a fundamental issue for the
United States to face in its relations with Pakistan, and that is the return of
democracy to that country.
There is no doubt that
Pakistan has been extremely supportive of Operation Enduring Freedom. And as
I've noted before, we have been extremely generous in recognizing that support.
But the price for Pakistan's help must not include our abandonment of democratic
principles. United States should and must be insisting that Pakistan return to a
democratic form of government without delay.
The sham
referendum extending his term, the proposed constitutional changes which would
expand his power beyond even General Zia's wildest dreams and the concern that
the National Assembly elections in October will not be free and fair all point
to President/General Musharraf's determination to hold onto power and create
only the veneer of democracy and that, in the process, he has alienated the very
segments of Pakistani society which had originally welcomed his coup.
The response from the United States has been at best a
mild rebuke, and at worst, the turning of a blind eye. We should insist that the
elections in October be free and fair. The United States has nothing to fear
from such an insistence.
Those who argue that the
alternative to Musharraf may be someone worse ignore Pakistan's limited history
with elections. Islamic parties have never done well in Pakistan elections. I
think this speaks volumes about the desire of the Pakistani people to have a
moderate democratic Muslim state. The position of the United States should be to
support the wishes of the Pakistani people in that regard. I hope that Secretary
Powell, when he is in Islamabad next week, will tell President General Musharraf
that the United States expects him to keep his word about abandoning terrorism
and returning to democracy.
Everywhere in the region,
Mr. Chairman, there are both causes for hope and continued reasons for despair.
In Sri Lanka, for the first time in seven years, there is at least reasonable
cause to hope that the civil war could be brought to an end. The
Norwegian-brokered cease-fire is fragile, to say the least, but the steps taken
so far by the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE represent significant
achievements.
At the other end of the spectrum, the
government of Nepal has decided that the best way to a confront a fierce Maoist
insurgency is to provoke a constitutional crisis, split the ruling Nepali
Congress Party, have the king declare a state of emergency, and wait for the
Supreme Court to sort it all out next month.
In
Bangladesh, the overwhelming victory last October by the BNP brought with it
hopes that the politics of retribution and confrontation might be abandoned.
Indeed, the otherwise free and fair election was marred by post-election
violence and the Awami League's refusal until recently to take their seat in
parliament. In the wake of that violence, some have raised questions about the
BNP government's commitment to human rights and to protecting all of its
citizens. And I hope that the secretary will address that issue so that we might
have a clearer picture this afternoon.
But aside from
the domestic and political situation, Bangladesh has been strongly supportive of
the war on terrorism and is, frankly, the sort of modest secular democratic
Muslim state that we hope some of its South Asian neighbors would become.
Bangladesh plays a very positive role in the international community
regionally, with the development of South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation, and globally with its participation in various U.N. peacekeeping
missions worldwide.
For these reasons, Bangladesh
deserves our time and attention. And as we we were reminded in last week's news
report about arsenic poisoning, Bangladesh is still a very poor country that
faces tremendous developmental challenges.
Mr.
Chairman, we have a lot of ground to cover today, and I'm pleased to see the
assistant secretary here and I look forward to her testimony.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you, Mr. Ackerman.
Mr.
Rohrabacher.
Mr. Rohrabacher.
REP. DANA ROHRABACHER (R-CA): Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I'll
just try to be to the point.
What we have here is a(n)
area of the world, a region that has been totally neglected. And to the degree
that we weren't neglecting that part of the region, our policies were not based
on principle and not based on those type of prerequisites that would create a
better world. In -- just in Pakistan, for example, we permitted during the war
in Afghanistan for the Pakistani situation to deteriorate and for the democratic
institutions in Pakistan to deteriorate. We permitted the ISI in Pakistan, we
turned a blind eye to their involvement in the drug trade, and they were,
everyone knows was -- they were up to their eyeballs in the heroin trade.
So we neglected that region. We neglected to do our duty.
And after the war and during the 1990s the United States was on the wrong side
in Afghanistan. We ended up fighting with the Taliban. I know I -- over and over
again I warned this committee about our covert policy toward supporting the
Taliban; now we are reaping the rewards of this folly.
Also, over these last decades we have not had the courage to step
forward to India and to the rest of the world and -- with India at our side and
tell the Indians they have to permit the people of Kashmir to have a plebiscite
to control their own destiny. And until the -- the root cause of much of the
instability in this part of the world comes from an unwillingness, an arrogance,
and an intransigence on the part of India not to permit the people of Kashmir
the right to control their own destiny. That will -- we won't have peace until
that plebiscite happens and those people are given the right to free and fair
elections.
And finally, Mr. Chairman, again, the
situation has deteriorated in Pakistan. You have a military dictatorship. They
play games, they -- (laughs) -- this plebiscite that they had on whether Mr.
Musharraf should stay in power was an insult to the democratic nations of the
world, trying to suggest that he in some way through this corrupt process had
verified his own ability, or his own legitimacy of his military regime. So I
would suggest the United States and the Western democracies should be used
exercising a positive influence on that part of the world. And we haven't been
exercising a positive influence: a positive influence towards democratic
government, a positive influence towards respect for other people's rights,
their religious rights and their political rights, and respect for the rights of
people to control their own destinies through the ballot box, and also stepping
forward in our tradition of, instead of going to a radical alternative, be more,
you know, compromising with people in a system that permits all people, even
with disagreements, to exist.
So, with that, Mr.
Chairman, I appreciate this hearing. We need to -- this is a region that needs
our attention, and I applaud your leadership over the last few years in trying
to make sure we were doing what's right.
REP. GILMAN:
Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. Royce.
REP. EDWARD R. ROYCE (R-CA): Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'm very troubled
by the recent events in Afghanistan, and I welcome the assistant secretary. And
I just thought I would take a moment to share my concern with the assassination
of the vice president, Abdul Qadir.
And my worries are
that the largest ethnic group there, the Pashtuns, are beginning to lose
confidence in President Karzai. And I think we need to do all we can do to help
Afghans feel a greater sense of being part of a unified greater Afghanistan.
And, for instance, I know when Radio Free Afghanistan broadcasts, they refer to
figures in their reports as Afghans. That's one of the reasons the BBC is
resisted at times because, as Chairman Karzai says, "We're all Afghans. We're
all Afghans."
My concern here is that a part of the
country, the Pashtun part of the country, is beginning to feel alienated.
They're beginning to feel that the Northern Alliance warlords are not sensitive
to reform and not sensitive to inclusion of Pashtuns. And now, we have the
assassination of the vice president, and I think this really is a moment of
challenge and maybe crisis. And we need to really be focused right now on what
we can do to help expand that government, make sure it is broad-based, make sure
it is committed to reform. And we need to address these Pashtun concerns.
Thank you very much again for being here, Mrs. Secretary
Rocca.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Any other member desire to make an opening statement? If
not, we'll proceed with the testimony by Secretary Rocca, who was sworn in as
assistant secretary of State for South Asian Affairs in May of last year. Prior
to joining the Department of State, she was foreign affairs advisor to Senator
Brownback, where she specialized on issues relating to South Asia, to Central
Asia and the Caucasus and the Middle East. From 1982 to 1997, Mrs. Rocca was an
intelligence officer with the CIA.
Welcome, Secretary
Rocca.
MS. ROCCA: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
will -- I have a full statement, which I'd like to put in the record. I will
shorten it considerably for --
REP. GILMAN: Without
objection. Thank you.
MS. ROCCA: Thank you. And first
let me start by saying that I understand that you've announced that you'll be
retiring, and I just want to say how much we -- I personally and the bureau have
enjoyed working with you. I enjoyed it prior to coming even to the
administration, when I worked up here on Capitol Hill.
And we're very grateful for everything you've done, and we're going to
miss you --
REP. GILMAN: Thank you for your kind words.
That was an involuntary retirement, due to redistricting. (Laughter.)
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Chairman, members of the subcommittee,
thank you for inviting me to speak today about the developments in South Asia
and our policy responses.
Since September 11th, South
Asia has often been in the headlines, both as the principal focus of our war
against terrorism and also because of the crisis between India and Pakistan.
But we have important interests in other countries in
South Asia. In Nepal, a major rural insurgency threatens to destabilize the
country. In Sri Lanka, a long-standing civil war may be starting to move towards
resolution, but the process is likely to be long and difficult. Chronic
political rivalries and violence compound a serious law and order problem in
Bangladesh and pose a danger to the young democracy of that country.
And of course, there's the long-term question of
Afghanistan's future. Following the encouraging success of the loya jirga
process, a fragile transitional government is trying to bring stability to a
country torn by almost a quarter century of war.
Our
relationship with the South Asian states have been central to our successful
prosecution of the war on terrorism. All have been fully supportive, and their
support in this war has been and will continue to be absolutely crucial. You
yourself have mentioned the roles they've played, so I won't enumerate it here.
It is part of my full statement. But we are extremely grateful for the support
that they've been providing, and we can't -- we couldn't be doing it without
them.
The encouraging progress in South Asia --
encouraging progress -- I'm sorry -- in South Asia towards prosperity and
democracy is often too overshadowed by the specter of war between India and
Pakistan, and that is often, as I said, a large part of the concerns that we
have. We're deeply concerned over the continuing high levels of tension between
these two countries and in particular about the continued deployment of forces
along their shared border, as well as in Kashmir. A surge in violence could
spark a military confrontation with long- lasting and devastating consequences
for the entire region, and the enemies of moderation in the region are aware of
this fact and are trying to exploit it through high-profile terrorist attacks,
such as that that we saw this weekend outside Jammu.
As
Secretary Powell has put it, war is just not an option for India and Pakistan.
The only way forward that offers a prospect of genuinely resolving their
differences is the path of dialogue and confidence building. We're working to
help the two sides find mutually acceptable ways to begin the de-escalation
process. President Musharraf has pledged that infiltration into Kashmir from his
country will end permanently. Pakistan and its more -- Pakistan needs to keep
that pledge in order to begin a process of resolution of the immediate crisis
and its more fundamental difficulties with India.
Once
tensions begin to subside, the process should be continued by New Delhi agreeing
to resume talks with Islamabad on all issues, including Kashmir.
We also are supportive of Indian efforts to conduct free and fair
elections in the state of Kashmir, scheduled for later this year, and to begin
to address Kashmiri grievances. Such elections could proceed with much greater
chance of success in an atmosphere free of violence and intimidation, and serve
as the first step towards resolution of the issue.
Finally, we continue to offer our good offices in helping the two sides
resume dialogue to resolve their differences. Next week Secretary Powell will be
visiting India and Pakistan for the second time since January. On the agenda
will be the crisis between India and Pakistan, but we will also start discussing
and reviving the bilateral relationship which has been -- with each country,
which has been ongoing all along, but which somehow in the public eye has tended
to diminish -- has tended to not get as much attention. It is our intention to
stay fully engaged with both countries, as well as to reduce the tensions
between them.
Let me first turn to developments in our
bilateral relationships with the various countries in South Asia. India is
increasingly an important player in world affairs. From the start of this
administration, President Bush has sought to effect the transformation of the
U.S. relationship with India. We're engaging with India on a wide range of
issues. From counterterrorism to security issues, climate change and commerce,
to strengthening democracy and fighting HIV/AIDS, the president has
looked to India as a partner in all these issues. We're working more closely
than ever with India on military cooperation. Our military forces are now
actively developing the capability to work together effectively through
joint-exercises planning and senior-level visits.
Nonproliferation remains an important item on our bilateral agenda,
which we hope to address through cooperation and mutual understanding. The
U.S.-India counterterrorism cooperation is rapidly maturing. Just last week, we
had the -- we hosted the fifth session of the U.S.-India Joint Working Group on
Counterterrorism, which predates 9/11.
In the economic
sphere, the pace of our engagement has also picked up, though this is one area
where much more can be done. Our commercial relationship, which is growing, is
growing too slowly and requires New Delhi to pursue important second-generation
reforms. With the active participation of our respective private sectors, we're
hopeful that our economic dialogue with India can and will play an important
role in helping us realize the enormous potential of our economic
relationship.
Our two democracies are working together
more intensely than ever before to make the world freer, more peaceful and more
prosperous. Our collaboration can only make the world a safer and more just
place.
In Pakistan, President Musharraf is setting his
country on a bold new course and has a genuine opportunity to build a
prosperous, progressive and tolerant Islamic state. President Musharraf,
recognizing the danger that extremism poses and posed to his country, has
denounced it and vowed to prevent the use of Pakistan as a base for extremists.
His government has banned all the major extremist groups, frozen their assets,
and arrested many of their members.
Pakistani
authorities are working hand in hand with U.S. agencies in tracking and
capturing remaining al Qaeda elements that have fled to Pakistan. Pakistani
troops have arrested al Qaeda fighters in the Northwest Frontier Province, who
fled coalition operations in Afghanistan. And Pakistani police have made
numerous arrests of al Qaeda and other extremists throughout their country. More
than 12 Pakistani soldiers have died in such operations in the last week -- last
two weeks.
The extremists, showing how threatened they
feel by President Musharraf's action, have struck back. They've killed scores of
Pakistanis and targeted Westerners in Karachi and Islamabad. The government has
not been intimidated. Instead, it has continued its campaign against terrorists
and their supporters. With Pakistan, we also have a Joint Working Group on
Counterterrorism and Law Enforcement, which met for the first time in May.
President Musharraf's government recognizes that extremism
feeds on economic and social dislocation. It's taking positive actions on
economic and social reform; it's completed its IMF program, and USAID has begun
implementing programs to improve basic education in Pakistan
and to support President Musharraf's efforts at educational reforms. We intend
to enhance these efforts in the next fiscal years. Poor quality of schools and
lack of access to educational opportunities in Pakistan have resulted in the
growth of the madrassas, some of which inculcate intolerance and extremism in
Pakistani youth. The government has put an ambitious program into action for
revamping Pakistan's education system, which includes bringing the madrassas or
religious schools under control. Outside funding for the country's madrassas has
been cut off or are being scrutinized and they must now submit to curriculum
standards in order to receive government support.
It's
in our interest and in the interest of all of Pakistan's neighbors for Pakistan
to develop into a more stable, economically sound and better-educated
society.
The government has set parliamentary elections
in October. President Musharraf recently addressed his nation about plans for
his government political reform. We view the restoration of democracy and
civilian rule within a constitutional framework as crucial to fostering
long-term stability in that country.
In Afghanistan,
which has long been a source of stability in the region and beyond, Afghanistan
is now moving toward stability and peace, slowly and haltingly at times, but the
direction is clear. The demise of the Taliban and the destruction of al Qaeda
infrastructure, the return of former king Zahir Shah, the emergency loya jirga
and the establishment of a new government are the first steps in getting this
war-ravaged country back on its feet. But this is only a beginning.
Continuing instability and violence, such as the recent
assassination of the Afghan vice president, are constant reminders that a great
deal remains to be done. We and the rest of the international community
must remain fully committed to Afghanistan's security, political stability and
social-economic recovery. We also need to ensure the security of our new mission
in Kabul, continue assistance for reconstruction and recovery, promote respect
for human rights and religious freedom by working with new Afghan groups who are
trying to recreate a culture of tolerance and respect for all Afghans, including
women, and we're also working with the Afghans to eradicate opium poppy.
Unprecedented amounts of foods are now entering the
country, and distribution networks are improving. We're also the largest donor
of humanitarian assistance, with hundreds of millions of dollars worth of food,
medicine and other necessities contributed during the last year.
Turning to Bangladesh, Bangladesh is an example of a nation where
development assistance has made a significant impact. At its independence in
1971, it was one of the poorest, most densely populated countries in the world.
Since then, it has halved its birth rate and infant and child mortality rates
and has become self- sufficient in food production. It has also made impressive
strides in women's empowerment through education and employment, and it has
conducted three peaceful transfers of power through free and fair elections.
Despite these successes, Bangladeshis face serious
political and economic challenges, as you mentioned. Deep and bitter political
rivalries between the two main political parties, as well as rampant corruption,
continue to threaten political stability and impede economic growth and reform.
The current government, elected in October 2002 on a law and order platform, has
been slow to deliver on its election promises. The opposition's recent decision
to take its place in parliament, however, is a right step -- is a step in the
right direction, but the future course of democracy and prosperity in Bangladesh
will depend on the major political parties committing to work together to solve
the many problems facing this nation.
As you mentioned,
Mr. Chairman, Nepal continues to confront a violent Maoist insurgency now in its
sixth year, which has left nearly 4,000 dead. The Maoists have shown themselves
to be ruthless enemies by their tactics in the field and through terrorist
attacks against both government targets and innocent civilians. Nepal's
government has a right and duty to protect its citizens within the framework of
its constitution. Unfortunately, the leaders of Nepal's ruling political party
are locked in a power struggle that inhibits the government's effectiveness in
dealing with the Maoists and undertaking development initiatives that can begin
to restore its authority in the countryside.
The U.S.
is finalizing plans for assistance as part of an international response
to help the government of Nepal achieve its goal. Our programs are intended to
facilitate the government's efforts both to restore security and to focus on
development and poverty reduction.
Finally, Sri Lanka.
Developments in that country give us cause for some cautious, very cautious,
optimism. The Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tamils of Tamil Eelam
have agreed to a cease-fire and are preparing for formal talks. We're watching
these developments very closely and hope that these talks will eventually bring
to an end the bitter ethnic conflict that has plagued this small country for
nearly two decades.
The Norwegian government has played
a key role in bringing the two sides together, and we wish them every success in
their effort towards peace. A negotiated political settlement of this conflict
would be the best demonstration that negotiation, not violence, provides the
most effective means for dealing with contentious issues that divide and
separate peoples throughout the world.
On July 24th,
the Sri Lankan prime minister will visit the president in Washington, as well as
the secretary of State and other senior administration officials. We'll use
these meetings to continue to encourage a negotiated settlement of the conflict
in Sri Lanka.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, it's clear
that South Asia has become a major focal point of American foreign policy. This
is for reasons that go well beyond our immediate concerns in the war on
terrorism. Our engagement with all the countries of the region will continue to
grow as they themselves continue to grow and develop. A large part of our agenda
will be to support the efforts of all the nations of the region to improve
standards of living and strengthen democratic institutions. We are committed to
a better future for this very important region.
Thank
you.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you, Madam Secretary. And thank
you for your analysis of this peaceful part of the world. When they terminated
my chairmanship of the committee because of term limitation, they thought they
would award me with a peaceful area and gave me the Middle East and South
Asia.
We want to welcome Mr. Crowley, the gentleman
from New York, who has just joined us. Thank you for being here with us.
Several questions, and then we'll turn to our other
colleagues.
The manner in which the former king of
Afghanistan was not permitted to run for office in a new Afghan government has
been cited as an example of our nation's heavy-handedness. Can you tell us what
happened in the loya jirga? There was some indication that the king would have
liked to have run for office.
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Chairman,
there has been an awful lot of publicity on this, much of it unfounded. The loya
jirga, from our perspective, was a success, especially considering where we came
from and where we were just last October. It was a gathering that was
representative of the Afghan people, and it was their opportunity to elect a
president. The king played an extraordinary role in convening the loya jirga, as
set out in the Bonn process. And essentially this decision was made by the
Afghans. There has been an exaggeration of the role that the U.S. played, but in
this instance, we played a role of facilitator for the Afghans -- for the United
States with the U.N. and with other international actors to support the
loya jirga process.
REP. GILMAN: I know that the king
did an outstanding job of bringing -- helping to bring the parties together, and
we look forward to working with the new government in Afghanistan.
Madam Secretary, earlier this month, the Christian Science
Monitor reported that Mohammed Muslim (ph) a regional chief of Pakistan's
Inter-Services Intelligence Agency stated, and I quote, "The U.S. government
destroyed the World Trade Center so that it would have an excuse to destroy
Afghanistan." And then he went on to say after that, the U.S. military killed
tens of thousands of women and children in Afghanistan. This regional ICI (sic)
chief went on to say that Osama bin Laden has been wrongly vilified through
CIA-produced fake videos of him talking about the World Trade Center attack. His
agency says there are no al Qaeda cells operating inside of Kashmir, and he
bitterly denounces what he calls our government's war against them.
If such a high level Pakistani intelligence official
believes such things and continues to hold onto his post, then it appears that
President Musharraf has little intention to rein in the ISI. What exactly has
Musharraf done to flush out these kind of people from the ISI? Did the
administration look into the accuracy of a Christian Science Monitor article and
have complaints been registered with the government of Pakistan about this
official?
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Chairman, I'm unaware of the
article and I will look into it as soon as I can. But I would like to say that
it is an illustration of a need for us to project our message better in this
part of the world. As I think -- I'm not the first administration official to
say that we are a little behind on this. We're working hard at making changes in
order to get our message out, in order for these kind of -- this kind of
disinformation not to take hold and be passed on. We have a number of
initiatives that are in train. Our PD element is -- bureau is working very hard
on coming up with new initiatives. Those that we've got now include expanding
publications in regional languages, expanding exchanges with target-sensitive
groups -- for example, with Islamic scholars and clerics from Pakistan, India
and Bangladesh, from youth from all the countries in the region, with educators
from the region, and journalists. We're also expanding Voice of America and RSA
broadcasts in Dari and Pushtu to Afghanistan. We've increased support for
regional journalists to cover the U.S. in a post-9/11 environment. These are
first steps; there will be more coming. But I think that the quote that you just
read illustrates very much the need for us to move forward on those
initiatives.
REP. GILMAN: Well, we welcome the steps
you've listed. I hope you would take a look at that article and pass it on to
President Musharraf and ask him what his comments are --
MS. ROCCA: I will do that.
REP. GILMAN: -- and
we'd welcome hearing what his response would be.
Madame
Secretary, what has stalled the Norwegian-sponsored peace talks that were due to
begin in Bangkok with regard to Sri Lanka? What are the -- can you tell us
something about the problems and what is our government doing to try to get
these talks moving along?
MS. ROCCA: The peace talks
are -- the peace process is moving along. The current government of Sri Lanka
has made it their number one priority, and as you've seen, they've been very
active. And it is very active in it. And the Norwegians have done a wonderful
job in mediating it and setting up the peace talks.
The
LTTE has put a hold on it temporarily. There are a number of different analyses
which I could put forth; I don't know the exact answer to it as to why now.
However, we have reason to be relatively optimistic that things will pick up
again in the near future and that we will start to see actual meetings taking
place. Certainly the government of Sri Lanka is optimistic that that will be the
course.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you.
Mr. Ackerman.
REP. ACKERMAN: Thank you very
much.
You did say you would look into that article, but
you -- you meant to say also that you don't think it's true, right?
MS. ROCCA: I -- I really don't know. I have not seen
it.
REP. ACKERMAN: That the United States blew up the
World Trade Center?
MS. ROCCA: Oh, that. Well -- no,
sir. (Laughter.) I -- (laughs).
REP. ACKERMAN: I just
wanted an opinion on the record.
MS. ROCCA: I can
guarantee you that's not true. (Laughs.) Yes.
REP.
ACKERMAN: (Laughs.) Thank you. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary, and thank
you for sharing your views with us yet again. You're always very cooperative
with this committee and provide us with a wealth of information to help us
formulate our opinions.
Concerning Bangladesh, one of
the things that you said was that they have been slow to deliver, speaking of
the administration there, on its election promises. Does that mean that they are
delivering, or they're not delivering at all?
MS.
ROCCA: Mr. Ackerman, I think that the situation is rather complicated. The law
and order situation in Bangladesh is not new to this administration. It has
existed for a while. This administration was elected on the platform that they
would get rid of some discriminatory laws, or -- and that they would help move
forward in order to -- on the entire law and order situation.
The situation's been complicated by a number of things, one of them
being that the opposition remained out of parliament until very recently. It is
our hope that now that the opposition is in parliament, that the rivalry between
these two parties will subside somewhat, and that they can begin to do the real
work of reform that is really necessary in order for the situation to get better
in Bangladesh.
REP. ACKERMAN: Further on that, the
current government there had committed during the elections to have reforms, as
you point out. Among those was the establishment of a human rights commission
and an anti-corruption commission. Is it our understanding that that process has
started?
MS. ROCCA: (Pause.) I believe it has, but I
don't want to mislead you.
(To staff) Do we know --
(off mike).
Yeah, I think -- I -- the -- I do believe
that the commissions are established and that they are looking into the matter
as they are into the gas matters that Mr. Gilman raised as well.
REP. ACKERMAN: I think it would be helpful to commend them on that
--
MS. ROCCA: Absolutely.
REP.
ACKERMAN: -- when you have that opportunity and to encourage the continuation of
that and to note that that process has at least begun.
The problem of arsenic in Bangladesh, pointed out in the media, is a
huge problem. Will the administration be proposing any emergency supplemental
assistance that we or the international community can provide on a more
rapid basis, as this is poisoning, literally poisoning the lives of so many
people?
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Ackerman, this is an issue, if
-- my very first day on the job I heard about the arsenic issue in Bangladesh.
It is a matter of great concern to our ambassador there. And the embassy has
been following it very closely, and we've been -- actually, we have already been
funding surveys of the situation. It is not a problem that is limited to
Bangladesh, however. It also affects parts of India and parts of Nepal. And the
World Bank and international financial institutions have been concerned
about it and want to move forward on it.
Frankly, part
of the issue is, when you -- it needs to become a priority for the governments
involved as well. It is a regional issue, and it is one which is of great
concern to us and which we will continue to work with the government of
Bangladesh on.
REP. ACKERMAN: The quagmire in Pakistan:
we have a government there who, you point out, the cooperation from which is
essential to our war on terrorism. And at the same time we have a non-elected
government -- took office in a coup, overthrowing a duly elected government, and
has had sham referendums.
With regard to the situation
between India and Pakistan, General Musharraf has always been one who has
expressed a great deal of zeal on the issue of the state of Jammu and Kashmir,
and has been implicated in terrorist attacks from the time before he was
president.
Does the -- our administration have any
reason to believe that he is going to moderate or has moderated his position on
Kashmir? And if we do, what evidence is that and what has he been saying out
loud to the people of Pakistan about terrorist attacks in Kashmir?
MS. ROCCA: The situation in Pakistan, as I mentioned in a
foreshortened manner in my opening statement, is very complicated, as you know,
and there's a fair amount of extremism there. And it's a situation that's been
building up for many years.
President Musharraf has
expressed, on his speech on the 12th of January, a vision for Pakistan which is
one in which Pakistan is a moderate Muslim country, leader in the Muslim world.
And --
REP. ACKERMAN: Yes, but specifically, has he
denounced terrorist attacks?
MS. ROCCA: Yes, in -- yes,
he has. And in that speech, he vowed that Pakistan would not be used as a
launching area for such attacks.
REP. ACKERMAN: And has
he reduced the ability of Pakistan to be used as a launching area?
MS. ROCCA: He has -- we have -- he has made commitments to
the president, to the secretary of State and to other U.S. officials that indeed
the infiltration across the Line of Control -- the government support for
infiltration across the Line of Control will end, and we have seen it drop
sharply.
By the same token, we've also seen public
condemnations on the part of President Musharraf and of Pakistani officials
condemning attacks, such as that which occurred this weekend, which they
condemned very quickly as a terrorist attack, and it's not --
REP. ACKERMAN: Musharraf himself did?
MS.
ROCCA: Yes, he did. The foreign -- I know that the minister of state did -- for
foreign affairs did, but I'm not -- (to staff) -- did Musharraf himself --
STAFF: (Off mike.)
MS. ROCCA: The
MFA did, yes.
(Off-mike conferrals.)
REP. ACKERMAN: Yeah. Just one further question. Did Musharraf
personally attack -- personally denounce the attack that -- the most recent one
in Jammu?
MS. ROCCA: I know that the Foreign Affairs
Ministry did. I don't know whether he did personally. I'll have to look into it
and get back to you on that. I don't know --
REP.
GILMAN: The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. Issa.
REP. DARRELL ISSA (R-CA): Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Madame Secretary, I just want to follow up on the arsenic
question, because this is an area that I don't -- I hope to learn from this
hearing. Do we have a stated parts per million level that there's typically
found? How high is it compared to the domestic, let's say, New Mexican arsenic
level that we dealt with earlier in the Congress?
MS.
ROCCA: I believe that the acceptable level is 50 parts -- I can't remember the
exact term -- per billion. And it is well above that. I don't have --
REP. ISSA: All right, but New Mexico today is above 50
parts per billion in drinking water that Americans are drinking. I just wanted
to -- I'd like to try to understand it. We are a committee that often asks for
aid money, and I want to be fair and reasonable in asking for it. And
Afghanistan now is our second-, I think, largest or third- largest aid
recipient. I'm just concerned -- I'm sorry. We were talking Bangladesh, though.
But I'm just concerned at -- what is high?
Because the
world standard appears to be dramatically lower than what people are drinking in
America today.
Yes?
MS. ROCCA:
I don't have the current numbers, but I will get back to you.
REP. CROWLEY: Will the gentleman yield?
REP.
ISSA: Sure.
REP. CROWLEY: My understand is that in
parts of Pakistan, other parts of the region, it's in the thousands per billion
-- over one thousand per (billion ?).
REP. ISSA: I
think we'd get worried about that.
Okay, if we could --
if your office could follow just so I can be a little more familiar with it
--
MS. ROCCA: Be happy to.
REP. GILMAN: Would the gentleman yield?
REP.
ISSA: Certainly, Mr. Chairman.
REP. GILMAN: And I'd
also like to note that Columbia University -- their Lamont-Doherty Laboratory,
which is in my district, has been conducting extensive investigations in
Bangladesh to try to find a simple solution. I just wanted to pass that out.
Thank you.
REP. ISSA: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Probably the focus that I'm most interested in from this
hearing, Madam Secretary, is how the Islamic world is reacting sort of
throughout this period -- you could break it down either by region or by country
under -- on your portfolio -- because my concern obviously is, what effect is
the war in Afghanistan having, the expanded war on terrorism, American dialogue,
if you will, or rhetoric? And I don't expect you to make a statement about the
president's specific statements unless you found them to be appropriate. But try
to give us an understanding of where the Islamic world, by region, is going so
that we can begin perhaps reaching better or modeling what we do -- because
obviously my concern is, we are very quick to point out what we don't like about
that area of the world, but I'm not sure that telling them what we don't like
has been so far constructive.
MS. ROCCA: This is an
interesting issue, and it's one which does affect our region and one which I
sort of touched on earlier in terms of the fact that a lot of disinformation is
allowed to essentially gain currency and become "truth" in various parts of this
part of the world. And so this is something that we are looking at very closely
to see how do we deal with this -- because it's not a question of telling them
what to do that we don't like, but it's also a question of getting out our story
and the actual facts. And that is something that, as a whole, the State
Department has been working on and continues to do so. And I can get you a
detailed --
REP. ISSA: Please.
MS. ROCCA: -- detailed information on that. But we're struggling with
this question, as well.
REP. ISSA: And I guess the
second part is, not dealing with misinformation or disinformation, but
basically, what appears to be going in factually from the plight of Israeli and
Palestinians -- how much is that affecting conditions and your challenges in
your region?
MS. ROCCA: It is a cause for concern, and
it is raised by the governments with us, mostly in terms of they hope for a
peaceful resolution of the conflict in order to -- because people of these
countries, especially in Bangladesh and in Pakistan, are very concerned about it
and would like to see a peaceful resolution to it.
REP.
ISSA: Final question: Would it be fair to say, then, that if we made this one of
our highest priorities and brought about some semblance of peace and progress in
Palestine, that this would have a dramatically positive effect in your
region?
MS. ROCCA: I think it already is a priority.
REP. ISSA: I just -- I was just --
MS. ROCCA: (Laughs.)
REP. ISSA: I'm talking
about the potential of success. The success side is what I'm saying is -- you
know, it's great to say it's a priority, but if hypothetically, success brought
no benefit outside of just a region, then we'd say, well, it's only worth what
it's worth there. My question is, would, in fact, throughout the Islamic world,
this would be a dramatic improvement in our stature and ability to do other
projects if we were able to bring some semblance of peace and security in that
region?
MS. ROCCA: Well, I think bringing peace and
security to any part of the world would have a good ripple effect, so I guess
the answer's got to be yes, sir.
REP. GILMAN: The
gentleman's time has expired.
REP. ISSA: Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
REP.
GILMAN: Mr. Crowley.
REP. JOSEPH CROWLEY (D-NY): Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Rocca, good to see you again, as
always. Thank you for coming before the committee. I'm sorry that I missed your
opening statement. I was unable to extricate myself from a previous appointment
in a timely fashion to get over here for it. And I just -- (inaudible) -- behind
here as to what your statement may have been in terms of what the mission or the
goal of the mission of Mr. Powell is going to be? And if you could just give me
a brief overview on that if you've already touched on that. And then, just give
me a few more -- just give me a couple of minutes to talk about one other
subject. But, go ahead.
MS. ROCCA: I think I can keep
it brief. The current situation, the tensions between India and Pakistan are a
continuing matter of great concern. We still have two armies facing each other,
fully mobilized. And we're worried that these countries are putting their fate
in the hands of any terrorist who wants to perpetrate some dramatic attack. But
the tensions have subsided somewhat.
The crisis will,
of course, be one focus, but in each country, the bilateral relationship with
each country will also be a main focus. And we have bilateral interests in each
country that are different, separate, and which we'd like to pursue. And so, the
secretary will also be talking about those.
REP.
CROWLEY: And besides Pakistan and India, any other South Asian countries the
secretary will be --
MS. ROCCA: No. He is going on his
way to the Afghan regional forum.
REP. CROWLEY: Thank
you. I would just -- I know that Gary Ackerman and others probably -- aside from
the arsenic in the drinking water, will bring up the issue of Bangladesh. And I
just want to say thatm, as much as we put focus and attention on Pakistan and
India as well, to not forget the moderate democracy, Islamic democracy in that
region that's been a staunch ally of the United States, especially after 9/11, a
country that oft times is only focused on after a natural catastrophe, that I
think deserves the continued support and positive engagement with our country
when they're making moves in the right direction especially, to be notified when
we're not in agreement, but especially when they're making positive moves. That
country is Bangladesh. Has our government -- has the secretary or our
administration reached out to the opposition leader, for instance, for taking
her seat in parliament?
MS. ROCCA: She is coming to the
United States --
REP. CROWLEY: I know that.
MS. ROCCA: -- I believe, in the very near future. And it's
my understanding that I will be seeing her. And we want to -- absolutely, I
couldn't agree with you more, sir. We -- first of all, we consider -- India and
Pakistan get an awful lot of the attention, but we also are working hard to
continue to make progress in our relationship with Bangladesh, which we consider
to be a very important country, a model in many ways of a moderate Muslim
democracy, which three times in a row has managed to have free and fair and
peaceful transfer of power. There are a lot of problems facing it, but we want
to work with Bangladesh to -- on those issues.
REP.
CROWLEY: Not to diminish the negative, but to accentuate the positive.
MS. ROCCA: Well, I believe that -- maybe I foreshortened
my statement a little too much, but absolutely. We want to encourage what's
going on.
We want to reinforce, especially now that
you've got the two parties working together, we want to see them -- first of
all, we're delighted that they are, and we want to see them work -- we want to
work with them to work on the problems within Bangladesh.
REP. CROWLEY: Many of us on this committee have had a long-term
involvement and interest in the issue of the drinking water situation, not only
in Bangladesh, but in the region. And we would just encourage you, as you've
already been encouraged by others, to impress upon our government to be as
helpful and as forcefully helpful in trying to bring about a solution to that
problem. That will not only affect Bangladesh and the regional countries around
it, but also maybe help us understand our own problems or potential problems
here in the United States down the road. As well as we hope that you will
continue to encourage the Bangladeshi government to find the best use of their
natural resources, in particular the great stores of gas, natural gas, that we
believe are there.
And with that, I appreciate you
being here again. I yield back the balance of my time.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you, Mr. Crowley.
REP.
CROWLEY: If she'd like to respond, I'd --
REP. GILMAN:
Oh.
MS. ROCCA: I just want to say quickly that on the
arsenic, it has been a focus; it will continue to be. NIH, EPA, Columbia
University, others, are conducting and have been conducting research surveys for
quite a while. And we will continue to work with the governments in the region
because this is a very serious problem.
REP. CROWLEY:
Mr. Chairman, if I could just --
REP. GILMAN: Sure.
REP. CROWLEY: Would you just also comment on the Asian
University for Women and your thoughts on that, and anything you might be able
to add to it? Asian University for Women -- the proposal by the Bangladeshi
government to establish a university outside Dhaka for women. I don't know if
you're familiar with it at all, if you're not --
MS.
ROCCA: I'm afraid I'm not. But I will --
REP. CROWLEY:
We'll have to talk about that. But thank you, Ms. Rocca.
MS. ROCCA: -- I will find out about it.
REP.
GILMAN: Thank you, Mr. Crowley.
The gentlelady from
Virginia, Ms. Davis.
REP. JO ANN DAVIS (D-VA): Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you, Madam Secretary, for
being here to fill us in on what's going on.
I had an
opportunity to visit Afghanistan the week before last, and to see a little bit
about our ongoing operations and the reconstruction of their government. I also
had the opportunity to meet with several of the Afghanistan women. And in
meeting with them, you know, we were asking what was important to them.
Education was one subject that was very important. In fact, they thought it was
critical to the reconstruction of their country. And they really appreciate the
supplies and, you know, the tools and all that we've sent over, but their main
problem, they said, is they have the supplies, the equipment; they don't have
the teachers. I'd like you to comment on that.
And the
other thing is, if you were to outline the three most critical things that we
could do to aid in reconstruction and stabilizing their government, what
would they be?
MS. ROCCA: Let me start by saying that
the plight of women in Afghanistan has been of great concern before recent
events. It is --
REP. GILMAN: Ms. Rocca, could you put
the mike a little closer to you?
MS. ROCCA: Oh.
Sorry.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you.
MS. ROCCA: Is that better?
We are -- it is one
of our priorities in Afghanistan. And we have a number of projections which
we're beginning to help women, starting from, for example, just the humanitarian
assistance, which a lot of it is aimed at women and children, mothers and
children, which, sort of to provide just the basic needs, is a beginning. But in
addition, we've got a number of training programs, and education is one of them.
We've got an Afghan women's advocacy training program. We've got an Afghan women
lawyer training program, a teacher training --
REP.
J.A. DAVIS: Did you say lawyer?
MS. ROCCA: Lawyers,
yeah. A teacher training project. We did the refurbishment of the University of
Kabul specifically with women in mind. We did an Afghan -- we're doing an Afghan
oral history project in which women are playing a big part. We've got an Afghan
women in government program, and we also have a number of small grants which are
directed there.
There's always more that can be done,
but it is something that is a high priority.
REP. J.A.
DAVIS: I don't mean to interrupt here, but I guess what I was talking about is
not already the adult women that maybe have had some education, but I'm talking
the young -- the girls, and even the boys, because they said they just don't
have the teachers. And I guess my concern is future generations to make sure we
don't end up back in the same situation we've been in years past.
MS. ROCCA: Which is one of the reasons we have the teacher
training project -- program --
REP. J.A. DAVIS:
Gotcha.
MS. ROCCA: -- specifically for that, with that
end in mind.
REP. J.A. DAVIS: But I think the problem
was that nobody will pay the teachers. That's why they don't have the teachers.
That's what they told us; there's no pay. They can't get paid, so they don't
teach.
MS. ROCCA: Our funding is going, to the extent
possible, through the Interim Authority, and I know that this -- the education
is a priority for them, so --
REP. J.A. DAVIS: Okay. Go
ahead. And if you can give me your three top priorities on -- ?
MS. ROCCA: I believe security and stability, because we can't -- we
won't be able to do any reconstruction without it. Obviously, education is very
high on the list. There are so many to choose from.
REP. J.A. DAVIS: I know.
MS. ROCCA: We've got
-- and when I talk about security, we're talking about not just the military;
we're talking about the police, we're talking about the judicial reforms --
there are a whole lot of sub-headers that come into these three issues that
you've mentioned. And I think humanitarian assistance, because there is still a
major need for humanitarian assistance. And we've got large numbers of refugees,
unexpectedly large numbers of refugees going back, which are also very high
priority, to -- to maintain the humanitarian --
REP.
J.A. DAVIS: It was encouraging to see some parts of the country where crops were
beginning to grow again that were not poppy crops. And hopefully we can help Mr.
Karzai see fit to alleviate (sic) all the poppy.
MS.
ROCCA: That's one of the projects that we also have in mind. Obviously, the
opium production is a very high priority. And it is one where we'll be working
with the British. The British have taken the lead on this. We're working with
them. In fact, a number of nations are taking roles in all this. This is not
just a U.S. project, this is really an international effort. And we
managed to eradicate 15 percent of the spring crop. We've got projects, which
maybe isn't enough, but was a success, given the circumstances we were operating
under. And there is assistance previewed in the supplemental for dealing with
the fall crop. So anything you can to do to help move the supplemental forward
would also be appreciated --
REP. J.A. DAVIS: Should
have talked to you before this morning. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
REP. GILMAN: The time
of the gentle lady has expired. Thank you, Ms. Davis.
Mr. Rohrabacher.
REP. ROHRABACHER: Thank you
very much.
First and foremost, let me ask, does the
United States support the right of the people of Kashmir to a plebiscite to
determine their own destiny?
MS. ROCCA: (Pause.) Mr.
Rohrabacher, as you know, the U.S. supported successive U.N. efforts in --
REP. ROHRABACHER: That's not what I'm -- I am not -- I am
asking you whether or not we support it.
MS. ROCCA: The
--
REP. ROHRABACHER: There shouldn't have to have a
big, long explanation. Do we or don't we?
MS. ROCCA:
Well, the Simla agreement in '72, India and Pakistan reached an agreement that
it would be a bilateral issue. We support India and Pakistan, and we're working
towards getting these two countries to the table to resolve the issue.
REP. ROHRABACHER: Mr. Chairman, let me note that when the
United States government can say "Yes" to the answer of "Should these people be
able to control their own destiny through a democratic election?" the people of
that region will begin respecting us again. Right now, no wonder they don't
believe that we believe in democracy and believe in people's right to vote when
we hedge on fundamental issues like that. I think that's a disgrace, and I think
this administration better re-examine that position.
In
terms of Afghanistan, let me just say that I don't buy the administration -- if
that's the administration position -- that we have done everything we can that
is high priority for us to get rid of the poppy crops in Afghanistan. You're
telling us we eradicated 15 percent of the crop? And that's something we should
be proud of? Let me -- let -- just so you will know, I've spent a lot of time
and effort -- we had the technological capability of wiping out 90 percent of
that crop, and some of us were pushing to do that.
And
obviously, don't tell me that it's a high priority for this administration if
we're leaving it up to the British. That's just something to hide behind. Again,
15 percent crop eradication, all that money, all that drug money now in the
hands of very evil forces in that part of the world, including the forces trying
to destabilize Pakistan, is not an accomplishment we should be proud of.
In terms of the way we've been handling Afghanistan, first
of all, let me ask you this. For the years -- for many years I've been involved
in the Afghan issue, and people in the State Department over and over again were
undermining the efforts of those of us who were trying to help those resisting
the Taliban. Are those people who actively undermined the resistance to the
Taliban still employed at the State Department?
MS.
ROCCA: Mr. Rohrabacher, I don't know what people you're talking about. And I
know it has never been the policy of the administration to undermine people who
are working against the Taliban.
REP. ROHRABACHER:
Okay. Oh. There wasn't a policy of the State Department to put all of that
aid, all of our aid through Taliban- controlled areas and starve
the areas not controlled by the Taliban? That wasn't the position of the last
administration?
MS. ROCCA: No assistance went directly
to the Taliban.
REP. ROHRABACHER: It went to NGOs who
were distributing in Taliban areas. Of course. Yeah, it didn't go directly to
the Taliban. You're very diplomatic, just like the State Department's always
very diplomatic, but let me get down to fundamentals. The bottom line is, being
diplomatic doesn't obscure the truth. Either we believe in democracy, either you
believe in eradicating the heroin production so evil forces don't have it,
either we believe in people having the right to control their own destiny or we
don't. And no amount of diplomatic terms is going to change that.
I was disappointed in the heavy-handed way that the king
of Afghanistan was handled. It became very clear to the people -- you say that
the loya jirga was essentially a democratic process. Boy, that "essentially"
certainly is a word that really excuses a lot of, let's say, overt and covert
pressure on the system. Just from -- again, from someone who's been involved, I
-- and for many other people who were involved, it appeared that the king -- had
they had their choice, the people would have gone with the king.
Let me ask you this. If indeed we do have, as you say -- by the way, I
don't think we've facilitated democracy, I think we've facilitated Karzai coming
to power. And again, if we're going to have the respect of the people of that
area, we've got to believe in democracy. We've got to believe in what we
supposedly believe in. Our government should represent that.
Let me ask you this about -- you said we are for free and fair
elections and this is facilitating democracy.
Two years
from now, are we going to support a free and fair election in Afghanistan, and
will the king be able to run as a candidate in that election?
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Rohrabacher, I think we have stated, from the president
on down, that the United States is in Afghanistan for the long haul, that we
intend to help the Afghan people. And according to the Bonn agreement, as laid
out by the Bonn agreement, there are supposed to be elections after two years,
and of course we will support free and fair election in Afghanistan.
REP. ROHRABACHER: And the king's right to run in those
elections?
MS. ROCCA: Anybody's right to run --
REP. ROHRABACHER: So two years from now, if the people of
Afghanistan choose to have the king or a member of the royal family as their
leader, if they choose them through a free election, we will recognize that, and
we recognize the right to choose that option.
REP.
GILMAN: The gentleman's time is expired. Mr. Pitts.
REP. PITTS: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Madam Secretary, what has the
administration done to raise the concern about Hindu extremists in India? I
speak for instance of Gujarat and the destabilizing efforts along the
Pakistan-India border in Kashmir?
MS. ROCCA: Mr. Pitts,
the entire issue of Gujarat is one that has been of great concern to us. It's
one that we have been following very closely. Immediately after it happened, our
officers from Mumbai went down to observe the situation themselves, and we were
very quick, and continue to express our concern, our real sympathy for the
people who underwent this horrible event.
REP. PITTS:
Did we make a public statement -- did the State Department make a public
statement condemning that violence?
MS. ROCCA: We did.
We condemned the violence, and we also expressed condolences for the families
and the people who have been affected by this violence. We have been following
it closely. Our officers have gone down to monitor the situation themselves. It
will figure highly in our religious freedom report.
But
it is also something which is of concern to the government of India themselves.
This is not --
REP. PITTS: Yes, I understand that. I
met with human rights activists from the region last month, and they were not
aware that our government had made a public statement. Can you provide me with
that statement?
MS. ROCCA: I'd be happy to.
REP. PITTS: I'll be happy to give that to them.
The administration took a bold step in the Middle East by
outlining a plan and process for peace. Has the administration considered doing
the same for Kashmir?
MS. ROCCA: Our position on this
is that no outside government can impose any peace plan on the two nations
involved. The two nations involved need to get together and talk about it
themselves. They need to work this out. It's not something that can be
superimposed from the outside by any nation. We are working, however, to get
both sides to the table, and we have made it very clear to both sides that we
don't think it can be resolved without dialogue.
REP.
PITTS: Why isn't India more receptive to more open dialogue on Kashmir with the
international community?
MS. ROCCA: Well, the
current situation -- the current crisis right now needs to be defused first.
India has said that when there is a peaceful situation they are willing to talk
about all issues, including Kashmir.
REP. PITTS: They
are willing to talk about --?
MS. ROCCA: All issues
that exist between India and Pakistan, including Kashmir. But we need to see a
-- steps, serious steps being taken towards deescalation first.
REP. PITTS: Okay, let me proceed to -- I only have five minutes here.
How much of the aid money committed to Afghanistan has actually been
given to their government to implement assistance programs? And how long will it
be before the committed money is sent there? It seems like the sooner we get
money there the better. It allows the Afghans to see the actual results from our
presence and involvements. And with the assassination of the vice president, the
accidental deaths by villagers by military operations, there's a growing
antagonism towards the United States, and I think the sooner the better.
MS. ROCCA: As you know, our overall contribution was -- as
in Tokyo, for example, it's 294 million (dollars) pledged in January. And of
those funds pledged, USAID's planned level up to now has reached 224 million
(dollars) -- for relief, recovery and reconstruction activities in Afghanistan.
Of that amount, USAID has obligated or committed 166 million (dollars) for food,
for non-food aid and reconstruction activities and has firm plans for a
further 47 million (dollars), and has 10 million (dollars) left in reserve.
There is a request for additional assistance in the supplemental bill as well.
And we are also -- we have also provided, I believe disbursed already over 107
million (dollars) for the returning refugees.
REP.
PITTS: One final question: What is the United States doing to help ensure the
rights of religious minorities in Bangladesh?
MS.
ROCCA: We -- this is an issue that we take very seriously and that we have
extensively investigated. This is something which is not new. Every case that
has come to the embassy's attention, where they have been able to, they have
gone out and investigated. Many of them have turned out not to be -- have turned
out to be -- have other issues involved, like personal reprisals and regional
disputes. But in those issues where we found any human rights abuses, we have
raised them, and continue to raise them. And they figure in our human rights
report.
REP. GILMAN: The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. Chabot.
REP. CHABOT: I thank the chair, and
appreciate your testimony here this morning. I'd like to ask -- and I'll keep my
questions relatively brief, because I know we have got a vote on the floor. But
Bangladesh, it is my understanding, has been particularly helpful in various
peacekeeping missions around the world, being willing to commit troops and doing
particularly helpful things in that area. I know that one of the key industries
relative to the economy in Bangladesh is the textile industry, and their access
to markets around the world. Are there any administration or administrative
actions that could be taken that might increase those opportunities for
Bangladesh to get a fair shake at making their products available to Americans
here?
MS. ROCCA: Congressman, Bangladesh's portion of
the textile market is already considerable, and it has gone up steadily. The
issue of providing them ore tariffs is one that we discussed. I can't say that
we hold out too much hope, but the fact of the matter is that these tariffs are
going to disappear in a couple of years. So what we have been doing is we have
been working with the government of Bangladesh and talking to them about
reconfiguring their industry in such a way so that they position themselves to
be competitive when those quotas go away, because that's coming -- it's right
around the corner -- it's just a year and a half away. And we feel very much
that they need to both diversify their industries and also to essentially
position themselves to be more competitive.
REP.
CHABOT: Thank you. Also, what's being done to explore Bangladesh's untapped oil
and natural gas resources, and would this not provide badly needed economic
investment in Bangladesh, and also getting additional oil reserves on the market
would help the United States and many other countries around the world -- so
could you address that briefly?
MS. ROCCA: Yes,
certainly. The gas reserves in Bangladesh, by U.S. company estimates, are
considerable, and we have been encouraging the government of Bangladesh to use
those reserves to exploit the gas that they have for the very reasons you cited.
It would certainly be an important injection into the economy, bring in foreign
investment, et cetera. It is an issue which is very complicated and very touchy
in Bangladesh, and it is one which the current government has submitted for
review. They have got a commission studying it. And we are hopeful, and we
continue to work with them that there will eventually be a breakthrough, and
that we'll find that they will be able to exploit the natural resource which
they have and which is so promising for foreign investment in their country.
REP. CHABOT: Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, I'll yield
back the balance of my time.
REP. GILMAN: I thank the
gentleman. Mr. Royce.
REP. ROYCE: Thank you, Mr.
Chairman. Assistant secretary, on June the 5th the State Department issued a
blanket travel warning on India, and soon after I, along with Jim McDermott,
wrote to Secretary Powell warning of the damaging effects that that travel
warning was having on commercial ties between the United States and India. And,
as you know, on June 26th, the State Department went halfway there and revised
its travel warnings for Americans, to defer "all but essential travel" to India
was the new language. And I know Secretary Powell will be in the region soon,
and I hope with the administration's continued hard work conditions will warrant
a complete lifting of that travel ban.
Also, press
reports indicate that the U.S. and India have seen a flurry of joint military
exercises. And when you were in India in May, U.S. and Indian paratroopers
participated in the largest combined military exercises between two countries.
Indian officers, I understand, will observe the cold weather exercise that we
are going to have in Alaska this winter and -- or later this year. And these
exercises I think are an important aspect of our foreign policy, and I was going
to ask you to comment on the administration's military-to- military plans with
India, which you did touch on in your testimony.
And,
lastly, you also touched on education reform in Pakistan. And I know President
Musharraf has announced his intention to reform madrassas, and those schools
where radicalism and anti-Western lessons are taught. I know that the AP
reported recently that the government had curtailed funding to those madrassas
whose students or where the head of the madrassa had been linked to militancy.
But the question I have is we know there's over 7,000 of these schools for sure
that are funded by Gulf State money -- by Saudi sources and sources in other
countries. And I was going to ask how can we cut off those resources that go
into fund this type of training? And how do we in the United States take action
to establish or help establish a modern education system in South Asia with
reading and writing and arithmetic -- not jihad -- as the subject matters?
MS. ROCCA: Thank you. These are all very important
questions. Let me start quickly with the travel warning and tell you that this
is something which we are looking at. It is constantly under review, and I will
take back your recommendations. I just want to reiterate something which I know
you know, but it was not taken lightly in the first place. There were serious
concerns that brought on initial travel warning. But, as I said, it's constantly
under review and we are looking at it right now.
Military-to-military cooperation with India has moved very quickly and
has been very successful. We have a number of initiatives underway. For example,
we have got a defense policy group which meets to discuss these issues. We have
strategic framework dialogues. We have -- and the military exercises. And in
fact India -- we have had new port calls to India which we didn't used to have.
And India is helping in Operation Enduring Freedom by -- with patrols of the
Straits of Malacca. So we have got a really dynamic military-to- military
cooperation going with India, and it's -- but it's only part of a broader
relationship where we feel that on many, many fronts we are moving forward to
make this an all-encompassing relationship.
On the
education reform in Pakistan, there are a number of points you touched on. The
-- obviously this is a very high priority -- frankly, this was a high priority
for General Musharraf when he came into office. It is something that they have
been working on since -- and obviously current events have made it a -- put it
into sharper focus. Some of that thanks to help from the United States, which we
have been providing assistance for the education. We had sanctions on Pakistan
before and we are not able to help them in education -- help the government on
their education program, and the government school system is broken. The public
school system is totally broken.
The initiative on the
madrassas is something that we welcome, but it is not something that we have
asked for or that we imposed. It is what President Musharraf himself has said
needs to be done in order to turn Pakistan around. The funding mechanisms is
something that the of Pakistan is looking at. And in fact I believe they have --
they are requiring that funding be disclosed, that any foreign funding be
disclosed. This is something which is up to the government of Pakistan.
REP. GILMAN: The gentleman's time has expired.
REP. ROYCE: Well, I wanted to -- just, if I could --
REP. GILMAN: Quickly. We have one more questioner.
REP. ROYCE: In Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, when I
was there the question was brought up repeatedly that it's Gulf State money --
it's Saudi money, you know, that is coming in to fund this -- not just in
Pakistan but in the whole region. And so I just bring to the administration's
attention we need to figure out a strategy for Gulf State money. It isn't the
governments in the Gulf State but it is influential people in the Gulf States
that are funding these jihadi schools, and we need to address it. Thank you very
much.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you, Mr. Royce. One last
question by Mr. Ackerman, and I want to thank the secretary for being here
today, and some of us have to run to the floor. Mr. Ackerman.
REP. ACKERMAN: It was asked before about the international
community being involved in the issue of Jammu and Kashmir. I just wanted to say
that it's the view I believe of the Indians, I am sure, that that would be
outside interference in an internal matter concerning their state. But I would
like to add that it's very disappointing that the Indian proposal that there be
bilateral monitoring between the Indians and the Pakistanis on the line of
control to make determinations whether or not there were incursions there, has
been rejected by General Musharraf. And I think that that's unhelpful, and
perhaps we could encourage you to encourage the secretary to mention that to
him, that we think, many of us, that that would be helpful.
MS. ROCCA: Thank you.
REP. GILMAN: Thank you,
Mr. Ackerman. The committee is adjourned. (Sounds gavel.)